A new federation without Tamil Nadu under the leadership of Tamil Nadu President Mao? He flourished

by time news


The ex-confederacy that was tripped up by Sambandhan’s immobility and Sumanthran’s arbitrary decisions The partners and today’s partners are trying to form a new alliance and include Mavai Senathiraja as its leader, so that there will be a chance to solve the Tamil problem. Does Maviyar, who is about to lose the leadership of the Tamil Rashid Party, need a new leadership?

The year 2022 has gone ‘somehow’. However, Sri Lanka has left many indelible tracks in politics.

There is a word in Tamil called Chandamarutham. It is appropriate to call the political ruins of the past year, removal of positions, abdications and strangulations as conflict politics.

Last March Shakoda Ko Home| (Go to Gotha House), the popular uprising spread across the country centered on Kalimugath Thila.

The struggle uprooted the Rajapaksa family from dominant political positions. It forced a president elected by 65 lakh people to flee the country and resign in public.

It was the same struggle that made Ranil, a 45-year-old political veteran rejected by the people, as Prime Minister and President. Earlier, Ranil was rejected by the people twice in the presidential election. Ranil was also the unusual politician who fielded two other candidates (Sarath Fonseka, Maithripala Sirisena) on behalf of his party to contest the next two presidential elections out of fear of defeat.

If Ranil, who enacted compulsory retirement at the age of 60 for government employees, became president for the first time at the age of 72, this is called ‘democratic socialist politics’.

In this regard, JR Jayawardene, the first executive president of Sri Lanka, and his nephew Ranil have a commonality. Both of them got their chance to become President at the age of 72. For that, it cannot be said that there will be an opportunity to be president like Jayawardena for 11 years (1978 – 1989).

However, he has embarked on a political chess game in his desire to contest the presidential election, which is expected to be held in 2025 or earlier, and become a president directly elected by the people.

His art is to divide all the political parties in the country, break them into pieces and clash with each other, and strengthen himself by reaping the harvest.

His contemporary goal is to show himself to the international community as the one who takes efforts to solve the problems of the minorities, and to clash the Tamil political factions in search of profit.

In the current political crisis, the Mahinda-Basil-led Podujana Peramuna is in no mood to field someone in the presidential election. At the same time, they are also very concerned that the political team led by Sajith Premadasa should not get involved. As a result, they have been forced to support Rinil in the presidential election without any other option.

Mahinda saying that Ranil can be included in the cabinet as he likes, Ranil proving that he is a good leader of the country and leaving the country with the Gotabaya family, Namal Rajapaksa declaring that he does not need a ministerial position while welcoming Ranil’s political activities – these are the election manifestos for the future political arena of Peramuna.

After Ranil became the President, the political field of the Tamil side has seen many changes. This is the Shabari condition That can be said in one word. Ranil, who has divided the Tamil problem into two components, identified the abolition of the Terrorism Prohibition Act – the issue of missing persons – the release of political prisoners as one component and the solution to the ethnic problem as another component. It was a shrewd move to ditch the war crimes investigation and accountability for Nassau.

After declaring that the two identified elements should be resolved before next month’s Independence Day, he entered into direct negotiations with the Tamil side. The Tamil National Parties have presented themselves in three divisions in this regard. Sambandhan’s association is participating in the talks with the hope of a negotiated settlement. CV Wigneswaran’s People’s Alliance has come up with contradictory views. The Tamil National People’s Front led by Gajendra Kumar has completely reserved the talks.

The talks held with all party leaders on December 13 have been held only with Sambandhan and Sumanthran. The Presidential Secretariat has dismissed this as an informal discussion.

It has been announced that the next meeting will be held on the 5th of this month and the talks will continue for four days from the 10th. Diaspora organizations have expressed in some reports the basis on which the negotiations should take place. A Tamil organization in America has informed Sambandhan in a letter that diaspora Tamils ​​should also be included in the talks.

Apart from this, the talk of a new confederation (confederation number – 2) is now heating up. An important meeting was held at Wigneswaran’s Jaffna residence a few days ago. In this along with Suresh Premachandran and N. Srikanta, the main party of Tamil Nadu, the leader of the Federation, Mavai Senathiraja also participated. The former three have already left the consortium.

Mavai Senadhiraja is not an individual. A long-time member of the Tamil Rashid Party, known as Semmal, who went to jail. He has already held and participated in such problematic meetings several times and called for the unity of the Tamil National Parties. Thus he was called Shaktakali I remember when a prominent figure of Tamil Nadu called himself a politician.

Now the matter has gone beyond that. When Wigneswaran declared that he was ready to run in a coalition led by Mawa, Selvam Adhikalanathan, the president of Relo, a partner party of the coalition, expressed his support. In today’s environment, Maoyar’s leadership of the new coalition of those who left the alliance and those who are now partners in the alliance is like a remedy.

The main objective of the participants in Wigneswaran’s meeting was to oust Sumandran’s self-styled confederation and form a new one. Mainly, it is certain that Mavai’s leadership position will be taken away in the upcoming conference of Tamil Nadu. There is a silent war between Sritharan and Sumanthran on the issue of leadership. Sumanthran roams the eastern land with his hands on Chanakya’s shoulders to secure the votes of the east.

After leaving the post of the head of Tamil Nadu, Mawaiyar needs another post for his future politics. It is inevitable that the Maoists seek a leadership post to show their presence during the elections of local councils and provincial councils. Knowing this well, Sumanthran tends to nip it in the bud.

Sumanthran issued an announcement that the political committee meeting had decided not to induct anyone new into the federation. A response to this came the next day from another member of the political group, prominent lawyer KV Thavaraja. Tavaraja has put an end to Sumanthran’s false propaganda by declaring that such a decision was not taken in the political group as stated by Sumandhan and that Sumandhan has given untruthful statements.

Sumandran, who has been portraying himself as Sampanthan’s successor, has feared that the formation of the second confederation may pose a challenge to the confederation led by Sampanthan. That is what his false statement has revealed. At the same time, it is also questionable whether Maviyar is suitable for the leadership of a new federation.

If Ranil Wickramasinghe, who fell to the bottom in the general election and stood naked in politics, can become the president of the country, then why can’t he, like him, fail in the election as the leader of a Tamil federation and get a revival in Tamil national politics, then there is nothing wrong in it.

When ‘Kali’ period change and Kali period politics combine, anything can happen. What will be the solution to the long-term problems of the Tamil people?

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