2023-07-20 06:08:55
In seven months of the Boluarte government, the economic, social and political problems have worsened, and to the deep discontent of the Aymara people is now added that of the abandoned populations in the face of climatic disasters, dengue fever, unemployment and corruption, all of which is accompanied by a consummate “distribution” and a cynical authoritarianism of the government and Congress. This explains the social conflicts that come together in this new situation of struggles with the peoples of the south, in demand for justice, Dina’s resignation, immediate elections, constituent assembly and sanction for the murderers.
Neither the Aymara people, nor the working masses, forget the sixty deaths caused by the government of Dina Boluarte to cling to office against the popular will. The lies that your government fabricated to justify the bloody repression were disproved by numerous evidences and investigations by independent media, and these were verified by international organizations such as the IACHR and Amnesty International, which also irrefutably verified that the protesters were not terrorists, as the government vilely slandered.
A matter not closed
In the past conjuncture of struggles, Boluarte and Congress, in an infamous act, sabotaged the advance of general elections that was already a general consensus as a way out of the crisis. They did it to stay until 2026 in open defiance of the people and deepening their illegitimacy.
Although the southern regions suspended their intense struggle in the streets, their indignation and repudiation of the government did not cease and was expressed in multiple repudiation demonstrations, from proclamations and chants of “Dina assassina…” to the expulsion of ministers and congressmen from the regions; but, above all, preparing to resume the fight in the so-called “third capture of Lima.”
By staying, Boluarte served the objective of the Congress which is, in the eyes of the national majority, the main person responsible for the acute political crisis of recent years. Perhaps with his final act of declaring a coup outside the current Constitution, former President Pedro Castillo made himself illegitimate and thereby enabled the presidential succession; but, Congress had already made itself illegitimized for a long time by not recognizing and constantly harassing a government elected by the people.
A consummate “sharing”.
Worse still, since the fall of Castillo, the most reactionary groups that control Congress, in association even with the groups of the former bench of Peru Libre, acting like true criminal gangs, have taken over key institutions such as those of the judicial system, with which they seek to ensure impunity for the majority of their mafia leaders; and change the laws for their particular convenience, such as the Sunedu law (private education merchants have representatives in almost all benches) or the effective collaboration law with which they seek to weaken judicial processes against corruption.
The “Cerronismo”, which has already mortgaged its votes, launches itself on the trifles that fall from the table of the powerful, taking the Ombudsman’s Office as part of its subordination to reaction (the “ombudsman” was the first to receive the far-right hordes of La Resistencia, or the “pestilence” in popular slang); and are looking for a place on the next congressional board of directors.
All this surpasses the frustrated handout of ten years ago; this time it is about a consummate distribution.
This action by the most reactionary and mafia bourgeois groups in the government and Congress, and the steps taken in the direction of an authoritarian and dictatorial regime, has even moved the democratic or reformist movements that also announce their participation in the mobilizations of July 19.
The precariousness behind authoritarianism
Before the announcement of the new mobilizations, Boluarte hinted at more deaths and declared the matter of bringing forward the elections closed. However, this authoritarianism only shows his extreme political weakness because Boluarte governs in complete deprivation of popular support.
Its main support is Congress, the most rejected institution. In addition, this support is conditional on Dina serving him, and for as long as she serves him, in that sense it is a precarious support with an expiration date; that leaves her only one possible mission, that of a bonze, destined to burn more than she is; and that, at the same time, makes it very dangerous.
The only ones that are comfortable with the government and the Congress are the big companies and corporations, because above all they defend the continuity of the neoliberal model. What they pay in taxes is so little that they are allowed to make “donations” to the police as instruments of repression.
But, let us not forget, social discontent in Peru is basically the consequence of this system of overexploitation and plunder that is the cause of the extremely unequal distribution of national wealth and the absolute inability of the State to attend to the populations affected by emergencies and disasters.
For all of the above, the issue of the continuity of the government is not a closed matter. And the fight that is brewing could have a decisive character for the fall of the government and Congress.
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