Javier Miley He is an always unexpected president. Your best new friend is the candidate for judge of the Cut most questioned in memory, and the prepaid medicine companies, which belong to a sector allied to the president, became your worst enemy. Excellent versions indicate that the current Christian senator Edward “Wado” of Peter took him to Maximo Kirchner to a friend and promoter of the federal judge Ariel Lijo as a future member of the Supreme Court. That friend of Lijo asked his son to intercede with her mother so that she could put the votes she had in the Senate in favor of the candidate’s agreement. Convinced that it was a negotiation, Máximo Kirchner asked what they offered Cristina Kirchner in exchange, who has between 13 and 14 unconditional votes in the Senate. It is a crucial number, because Lijo’s agreement requires 48 votes in a body of 72 senators in total. The interlocutor, with prominent functions in Justice, responded to Máximo that the courts will not be able to do what Cristina demands. She does not want an amnesty or a pardon, but for Justice to declare her innocent and absolve her of all the crimes accused of her. It is impossible, unless all court files and archives are burned. The influential mediator with the Kirchners promised Máximo, however, the implicit impunity of his mother, and told him that Lijo is the “best anesthetist” in Justice, with vast experience in the art of putting to sleep the sensitive causes that affect it. The prominent interlocutor of the scion of the Kirchner dynasty was not without reason: for more than 15 years, Lijo has kept a complaint of Carrio against the purchase and sale of shares of YPF in between Repsol and the family Eskenazi. Perhaps today Argentina would not be on the verge of being forced to pay 16,000 million dollars, as a consequence of that operation, if Carrió’s complaint had progressed. Cristina Kirchner took note of the proposal and remained silent. Incredibly, she even remained silent in public about a judge (Lijo) whom she once attacked relentlessly and mercilessly on social media. His famous private telephone conversations with him had leaked from the magistrate’s office. Oscar Parrilli, whose phone Lijo had tapped. Those verbal missiles of the former president against Lijo also included the judge of the Court Ricardo Lorenzetti; He warned both of them that he made them criminally responsible for the media exposure of their private conversations. This de facto negotiation, offer to Máximo Kirchner and subsequent silence from Cristina, is commented on with absolute self-confidence by the parliamentary representatives of Peronism (all hyper-Christianists) in the Judicial Council. Lijo’s candidacy was proposed precisely by Lorenzetti, who was at odds with the three remaining judges of the highest court. Lorenzetti has not yet achieved a reconciliation with Cristina Kirchner, but he already frequents her vicinity. Lorenzetti did not come directly to Javier Milei to bring Lijo’s candidacy to him; He did it through his powerful sister, Karina Milei. The Court judge was introduced into the sister’s office by three controversial characters: Freddy Lijobrother of the judge; Daniel Angeliciwhich swings between the game and Justice (and which is now far from Mauricio Macri), y Guillermo Scarcellaa former official of Daniel Scioli what He already had to face complaints for money laundering and illicit enrichment. Lorenzetti’s first proposal included Miguel Lightcurrent president of National Tax Courtas judge of the Court replacing the current magistrate Juan Carlos Maqueda for when he retires, next December. Licht was previously a legal secretary in Lorenzetti’s own offices. Everything is as extravagant as it seems: a former employee of the Court judge proposed as a Court judge. An urgent effort by several officials, especially from the Ministry of Justice, stopped Licht’s candidacy and promoted that of the academic. Manuel García-Mansilla, which has not had any challenge until now. In any case, the task of gathering 48 votes will be very difficult for any candidate for judge of the Court. The three senators from Córdoba, for example, have already announced that they will vote against Lijo: Luis Judge and the senator of his party Carmen Alvarez Riveroand the senator Alejandra Vigo, wife of former governor Juan Schiaretti. Vigo rightly highlights the segregation of women in the future integration of the Court. The national leadership of radicalism has not spoken publicly yet, but one of Lijo’s godfathers, Angelici, is a political partner of the president of the UCR, Martin Lousteau. That party has several senators. There was, however, a document from 40 well-known radical leaders (among them, the former minister Juan Manuel Casella and the constitutionalist Antonio Maria Hernandez) in which they expressed their total rejection of Lijo’s candidacy. “Our rejection of Lijo represents the vast majority of radical militants”said one of them.
The increases are not the fault of Milei, but of the fictional economy that Kirchnerism created
Lorenzetti and Lijo in the Milei neighborhood are incomprehensible, as incomprehensible as the fact that the libertarian government has ordered, in a single case, that prepaid medical bills go back with the increases in fees. Since last December 10, Milei did not do that with any business sector. The initial recrimination against prepaid companies came from the Minister of Economy, Luis Caputowho then had the Competition Defense Commission Yet the Commerce secretary. Caputo went so far as to point out that “the prepaid companies declared war on the middle class.” Didn’t the companies that sell gasoline do the same thing? Nor the electricity and gas companies, whose monumental increases were authorized by the Government itself that is scandalized by prepaid bills? The Government’s attitude sounds, clearly, like a strategy to blame a single sector of the economy for the unanimous and formidable price increases that have been registered since last December. It is likely, some pollsters anticipate, that Milei’s administration has begun to receive public opinion measurements that detected the first symptoms of certain social unrest due to increases in the economy.
The prepaid companies increased their fees, and they increased a lot. There were significant increases in January, February, March and April. And it is even likely that these increases have been discussed between the different companies to set the price of the quotas. The Government denounced them for cartelization, which is when different companies in the same sector agree on the price and give up competing. As asked Juan Carlos de Pablo¿Companies that sell gasoline do not do the same.? ¿Maybe they don’t all increase by the same percentage and on the same day?? The case is especially unfair when one stops at what happened in 2023, the year in which Milei ruled for only 20 days. Throughout that year, the increase in prepaid payments (strongly regulated by the government of Alberto Fernandez and by the minister-candidate Sergio Massa) was 134%. Inflation in 2023 was 211% and the increase in medicines was 319%. Medications came to represent 40% of the fee paid by the prepaid member, when before it was 18%. Nobody talks about the price of medicines. Nor has anyone ever established a regulation for this activity that is crucial for the health of society, as happens, for example, in the USA. Total silence, except for the surprise and open protest of the customers in the pharmacies. It’s not the pharmacies’ fault. There are older people who have prescriptions for four or five medications, but they can only buy one or two. It is not just a problem for Argentina. In Latin America, laboratories that manufacture medicines obtain profits ten times higher than those obtained in the rest of the world. A libertarian government should open the importation of medicines as soon as possible so that they compete with those produced locally.
The Milei government authorized gas increases of between 250 and 500%, and approved increases in electricity rates of between 120 and 300%. Gasoline prices also increased in January, February, March and April. The case of gas and electricity is worse than the supposed cartelization; They are natural monopolies because the country is not prepared, in the case of electricity, to impose competition. In the provision of gas, competition is impossible. There cannot be three gas pipelines so that users can choose the one they like the most. The vast increases in things are not Milei’s fault, but rather the fictional economy that he governed during the 16 years of Kirchnerism. What about Lijo is inexplicable; The prepaid thing is a communication strategy to create a single enemy for an exhausted society.