It has not yet declared war, but it has already opened a sort of beginning of hostilities. In recent days, Javier Milei has begun to target Clarín, the most important Argentine media and telecommunications group.
The presidential darts in this regard mutated. They stopped going through their usual barrage of insults and disqualifications of journalists who work in some of the media of that conglomerate (and many others), to address their business interests.
It is worth reviewing certain clues. At the beginning of last week, the Government announced the reconversion of the AFIP by the Customs Collection and Control Agency (ARCA) and the arrival of a certain Andrés Vázquez as head of the DGI.
Authoritarians don’t like this
The practice of professional and critical journalism is a fundamental pillar of democracy. That is why it bothers those who believe they are the owners of the truth.
With long experience and a winding career in the tax agency, Vázquez is linked to the intelligence services. But he is essentially remembered as the leader of the sleuths who landed at the Clarín headquarters in 2009, to review all the numbers by order of Kirchnerism.
The then director of the AFIP, Ricardo Echegaray, awarded the mandate to Néstor Kirchner. Gone were the times of romance with the then former president (and his chief of staff, Alberto Fernández) that had allowed Clarín to gain several businesses. The most important of them, the Multicanal-Cablevisión merger.
Let’s go back to the present. The brand new appointment of Vázquez by the libertarian administration turned on the first warning lights in the group led by Héctor Magnetto.
Attention was also paid to the official notice that Enacom will be eliminated and Arsat will be sought to be privatized. Traditionally, Clarín always had a lot of interest in the direction of the communications controlling entity. Especially since he fulfilled his dream of staying with Telecom (the current Personal). Without Enacom, who will there be dialogue with in the lobby on regulatory issues?
For example, during the previous government, Enacom awarded Arsat spectrum for 5G free of charge, for which private companies had to pay. The question circulating in Clarín is whether the privatization of the state telecommunications company (with the 5G bands it has) seeks to get a foreign actor to join the competition. Suspicions are directed at Elon Musk and his Starlink.
The other measure that ended up making the Group’s hair stand on end was the declaration that the 21% VAT will be reinstated for newspapers and magazines, whether in digital or paper format. The initiative, which has not yet been formalized, was even celebrated by one of Milei’s unconditional businessmen, Marcos Galperin.
Excepted from these tax contributions through a law of Congress, the affected media will fight beyond the acidic notes that they have already published on the matter. Once the idea is formalized through its publication in the Official Gazette, well-informed sources reveal that the chamber that brings together the newspapers (Adepa) has prepared a judicial presentation to try to stop it. Adepa is chaired by Martín Etchevers, manager of Institutional Relations and Communications of Grupo Clarín.
The President’s most recent broadside occurred this week, perhaps left in the background for being part of a sentence with a superior
“Paradoxically, Alfonsín is shown as the father of democracy, even though he was a supporter of a coup d’état. Obviously, pesifying Clarín’s debt showed him as a hero,” said Milei.
Aim for the foot. This note does not deal with the historical distortions to which the President of the Nation has accustomed us, when he attempts to link personal convictions with objective facts of the past or present. It’s not very original in that regard either.
Let’s go back. It is hard to believe that the mention of Clarín in that speech is the result of chance. In addition to the fact that there were many companies that, due to the fall of convertibility, benefited from the pesification of their debts in dollars and the media also had a very protective Cultural Property Law. Milei only mentioned Clarín.
Some official sources deny that the Government is targeting the Group. Although they admit that the head of state dislikes that from the cover of the newspaper or the screen of TN “they seek to set the tone for him”, as they believe happens many times.
However, other officials acknowledge that they are beginning to notice a predisposition against Clarín, of which the all-terrain premium advisor Santiago Caputo would not be immune. Is there a relationship between this strategy and the proximity of some frenetic media events?
“It won’t be like what Cristina (Kirchner) did, but I think there is a will to show them their teeth, condition them and make them more friendly to the season of good news,” these sources point out.
At Clarín they reject the idea that these signals lead to an open conflict and they have to once again appeal to “war journalism,” as their late editor Julio Blanck called it. And they prefer to frame it within the general presidential harassment of any type of journalistic criticism.
To follow this growing tension carefully. Just the way Milei likes it.
Interview Between Time.news Editor and Journalist Juan Cortez
Editor: Welcome, everyone! Today we have a special guest, Juan Cortez, a leading expert in media and political relations in Argentina. Juan, thank you for joining us.
Juan Cortez: Thank you for having me! It’s a pleasure to discuss such an engaging topic.
Editor: Let’s dive right in. Recently, President Javier Milei has shifted his focus from simply criticizing journalists at Clarín to targeting the business interests of the media conglomerate. What do you make of this shift?
Juan Cortez: It’s quite significant. By moving the conversation to economic and operational aspects, Milei is indicating a potential strategy to undermine Clarín’s influence in Argentina. This could be seen as an attempt to consolidate power and reduce the media’s critical voices against his government.
Editor: Indeed, and the appointment of Andrés Vázquez to head the DGI seems to be pivotal as well. Given his past, what might this mean for Clarín?
Juan Cortez: Vázquez’s history of scrutinizing Clarín in 2009 under Kirchnerism raises concerns about a similar approach under Milei. His connection to the intelligence services adds another layer of complexity, suggesting that this administration might be looking to use state resources to counterbalance media influence. The tension is palpable.
Editor: Considering that Clarín has often maintained a leading role in discussions about telecommunications in Argentina, what does the potential privatization of Arsat signal?
Juan Cortez: That’s a critical point. By potentially privatizing Arsat and eliminating Enacom, Milei could be reducing regulatory oversight that has historically benefited Clarín. If a foreign actor like Elon Musk’s Starlink comes into play, it could radically change the landscape, creating a more competitive environment for telecommunications, which may sideline Clarín’s established interests.
Editor: And there’s talk of reinstating the 21% VAT on newspapers and magazines, which would hit traditional media hard. How do you see this impacting their operations and the overall media landscape?
Juan Cortez: This move is controversial and might be seen as an attack on journalism itself. The reinstatement of VAT could strain the financial viability of many publications, already struggling in the digital age. If the media collective, represented by Adepa, follows through with legal action, it could lead to a significant battle over press freedoms in Argentina.
Editor: With Milei’s government hinting at a direction that could stifle critical journalism, what can the public do to respond?
Juan Cortez: Public engagement is crucial. Readers and citizens must advocate for press freedom and support independent media. The practice of professional journalism is indeed a pillar of democracy, and it’s vital that the public recognizes its importance. Awareness and advocacy can help push back against authoritarian tendencies.
Editor: It’s a delicate situation, and it seems we’re at the beginning of a broader conflict. Any final thoughts on where you see this heading in the coming months?
Juan Cortez: I anticipate heightened tensions between the government and media. Milei’s administration will likely continue implementing measures that reshape the media landscape. How these strategies unfold and how the public responds will be critical in defining Argentina’s democratic resilience.
Editor: Thank you, Juan, for your insights. It’s clear that the media landscape in Argentina is at a crossroads, and your expertise sheds light on the potential implications for democracy.
Juan Cortez: Thank you for having me. It’s essential we keep the conversation going on these issues.
Editor: Absolutely! We’ll keep an eye on these developments closely. Thank you to our audience for tuning in today. Stay informed, stay engaged!