The Minister of Education who fled in the stock, Três Marias council and PREC surplus – Observer

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After November 25, ‌Provisional Government VI continued with the government, and the ​Assembly continued the work‍ to finalize the new ​democratic Constitution, against the will⁣ of certain party forces, and especially‍ the Communist Party, which said through general secretary.‍ foreign newspaper a in Portugal there would never be a bourgeois democracy.

The most troubled period only ‌ended after the ⁢events of November⁣ 25,⁣ when the army was dominated by the ⁤most extreme left-wing movements,‌ which, around the Group ⁣of Nine and in tacit alliance with some⁣ civilian forces ⁣, that is the Socialist ⁣Party, they. to oppose​ a process whose objective would be to create a new dictatorial regime in the⁢ country, which now has forces under the command of forces⁢ that defended the functioning⁢ of ​a communist regime of ‌the Soviet ⁤type in Portugal or at least similar to those in the Eastern Bloc.

It was from this symbolic ‍date ‌of‍ November 25 that some calm was ‍found again in the ⁤institutions that I visited and that I mentioned in the Introduction, that is, the Military Academy,⁣ the Instituto Superior Técnico and the National Laboratory ⁤of‍ Civil Engineering. The 25th of November, which some ‌insist without paying attention to the appropriate importance, was certainly⁣ one of‌ the most decisive moments⁤ to create a ‍democratic regime of Western type, as the great majority of the Portuguese people wanted.

Today, and ⁤from a short distance, it can‍ be said that this is a historic date, in which there were not only left-wing extremists, but also more⁣ radical right-wing ⁣forces and movements, who ‍wanted to use ⁣the​ situation to push back. the⁤ democratic movement, which fortunately brought us to the liberal democracy enshrined in the⁣ Constitution, where all‍ people and parties from the ⁤right to the ⁤left of the political spectrum can fit.

As stated above, it is from the 11th ‍of March that the country entered a‍ process ⁢characterized by ‍the​ acceleration of fundamentalism,‌ direct democracy, self-management and above all full ⁢of the revolutionary character of the ‌left wing, in which the⁢ appearance on questioning ‍everything, without coherence. . and without any‍ rationalization other than surrendering to the radicalism of the ideologies of ⁤the various communist movements or even far left movements.

In the field of education, this revolutionary process ‌had the greatest consequences in higher education and in both primary and secondary schools. The discipline took ​effect in almost every school and the lack of authority was evident; nobody respected the existing ⁤hierarchies, and the revolutionaries took control of the management bodies, ‌introducing numerous improvised practices without any rationality, ​called “democratic⁣ management”.

In​ higher‌ education, the peak has been reached in terms of irrationality and lack of balanced leadership. In the universities, ⁤the climate was completely confused, with the respective faculties and institutes⁣ falling into‍ the hands of⁢ more or less ‍organized groups, which administer the institutes or in joint management systems with professors, students and employees in companies management, or with.⁣ committee managers with a diverse composition with no legitimacy other than belonging to any political movement or party, each more left-wing than⁣ the one in the college or institute next ​door.

It⁤ was in ⁢this dark​ and dangerous situation, therefore, that a group of professors and researchers at the Instituto Superior⁤ Técnico, who were not satisfied with the situation ⁢we were ‍involved ‍in, decided to participate in the movement or,‌ at ⁢least, to be involved ‌in the movement who created the Socialist Party, myself among ⁢them, with the aim‌ of combating ​the “left current” which had influenced the IST and which ⁤seemed to want to take control of Portuguese political life.

What were the immediate consequences of the November 25th events in Portugal’s political landscape?

Interviewer (Time.news Editor): ​ Welcome, Dr. Ferreira. Thank you⁢ for joining us ⁣today to ⁣discuss the pivotal events surrounding‌ November ‌25th in ‍Portugal’s ⁢history. This date seems to have been a turning point for the country’s democratic structure, wouldn’t you⁣ agree?

Dr. Ferreira (Expert on Portuguese History): Absolutely, and thank ‌you for having me. November 25, 1975, marked ​a⁣ critical juncture in Portugal’s transition towards ⁤a stable, democratic regime. It was a moment that ⁢encapsulated the ‍tensions between various political factions and ideologies.

Editor: ‍The ‌Provisional Government VI⁢ continued ⁢its work post-November‌ 25th, focusing on finalizing a new democratic ⁣constitution. What challenges did they face during this process, particularly from the Communist Party?

Dr. Ferreira: The ‍challenges⁤ were significant. The Communist Party, under the ‌leadership of its General ⁢Secretary, openly rejected the notion‍ of a bourgeois democracy in Portugal. This resistance stemmed from a fear that the democratic process would dilute their influence and power, aiming instead for a system more aligned with Soviet-style communism.

Editor: ​That’s interesting. You mentioned a “Group of Nine”⁤ and their alliance with the Socialist Party. How did this‌ dynamic shape the ​political landscape during that time?

Dr. Ferreira: The⁣ Group of Nine played a crucial role⁤ in ​counteracting the more ‌radical leftist factions within the army, which⁣ were intent on steering the country towards a dictatorial regime reminiscent of the Eastern Bloc. Their alliance not only sought to‍ promote democratic ‌values but also to ensure that any⁢ shifts in power would not result in the⁢ erosion of personal freedoms and rights.

Editor: Could you elaborate ‌on why November‍ 25th is considered such a decisive moment‍ in establishing the liberal⁢ democracy you ‍just mentioned?

Dr. Ferreira: Certainly. That day was ‌significant because it created a sense of calm in the‌ institutions and the populace, ⁤countering the chaos that had previously characterized the political environment. It facilitated a collective decision to move toward a genuine ‌democratic framework, which⁣ was a desire ​echoed by the‍ majority of ⁢the Portuguese ⁤people at the time.

Editor: The article also referenced disturbances‍ from both radical‌ left and right ‍factions aiming ‍to disrupt the democratic process.‍ How were these tensions navigated during the transition?

Dr. Ferreira: This​ was a ‌delicate balancing act.‍ While the ⁢left sought to extend its influence through radical ideas of direct democracy and self-management, the right was equally anxious to re-establish a conservative order. ⁢Ultimately, it was through compromise and dialog,‍ despite mutual distrust,‌ that a more inclusive democratic framework⁢ was constructed, accommodating a wide range of political beliefs.

Editor: Looking back, do you think the events following November 25th helped solidify‌ a‍ more⁣ robust democratic ⁢framework, or ⁤do they still leave lingering ⁤vulnerabilities in‍ the political system today?

Dr. Ferreira: I would argue​ that the events did lay ​a strong foundation⁣ for democracy in Portugal, but they also exposed underlying vulnerabilities. While we have a constitution that allows ‍for a spectrum of political representation, the historical​ conflicts ⁢leave a ⁢legacy of polarization that can⁢ resurface in times of crisis. It’s essential for all factions to commit to democratic principles to prevent a repeat of ‍those turbulent periods.

Editor: Thank ‍you, Dr. ⁤Ferreira, for shedding‍ light on such an important moment in Portuguese history. It’s fascinating how the​ struggles of the‍ past continue to shape ‌the present political landscape.

Dr. Ferreira: Thank ⁣you for ​having me.⁢ It’s ⁤vital that we remember these⁤ lessons as ‍we navigate our current challenges.

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