The “huaico” of confessions and evidence provided by alias “El Español”, welcomed by effective collaboration, ended up dragging down the General Commander of the National Police Raúl Alfaro. However, the power acquired by this singular character —whose real name is Jorge Ernesto Hernández Fernández and more than a spy seems like an overweight reggaeton player— clearly shows that Pedro Castillo Terrones had a de facto Minister of the Interior, who acted as his operator to using the Police in the criminal structure installed in the Government Palace since July 2021. It also shows that the last police chiefs Raúl Alfaro Alvarado and Luis Vera Llerena did not live up to their responsibilities. They submitted to this subject because they knew he was speaking for Castillo. They bowed down to a dark and criminal political power, deeply damaging the morale of their institution.
Not only the police chiefs agreed to do illegal things, but also the last ministers of the Interior. For example, Dimitri Senmache, General Vera Llerena and alias “El Español” decided to reassign 20 generals in June of last year. Many changes were due to the need to shield Castillo and his band. In August 2022, Minister Willy Huerta unexpectedly appointed Raúl Alfaro as General Commander of the Police because “El Español” convinced Castillo that he was more loyal than Vera Llerena.
“Pedro Castillo had a de facto Minister of the Interior, who acted as his operator to use the Police in the criminal structure led by him.”
A notebook with handwritten notes was even found in Henry Shimabukuru’s car where, by way of questions, a plan was drawn up to create the PMP (People’s Militarized Police), in the style of the Chavista militias that gave military training. their troops and converted the conscripts of military service into policemen. The local contribution was going to be to arm the ronderos to take care of the “Government of the People”.
That alias “El Español” has become the clandestine, informal and illegal operator for President Castillo’s security affairs also shows the latter’s scant knowledge of State affairs, his deep political orphanhood, his ineptitude for things basic rules of government, their lack of scruples. But, it must be said at once, Castillo’s supine ineptitude for everything would be the consequence of a cognitive capacity irreversibly damaged by severe childhood malnutrition. There is an evaluation of the DINI in this regard. Although his greatest malnutrition is moral.
“The details of this plot of corruption, intrigue, clandestine operations, bribery and betrayal read like the script for a badly done Netflix series.”
The details of this plot of corruption, intrigue, clandestine operations, bribery and betrayal seem like the script of a poorly made Netflix series. It would not cause interest among Peruvians, if it were not for the fact that the leader of this shoddy criminal organization is the rural professor who came to the presidency with the votes of Peruvians who saw in him the possibility of a historical claim. But that, in just 497 days in government, they saw their hopes collapse. He plunged the country into a social upheaval that has cost more than 60 deaths and irreparable damage.
“Cali Barba” and “El Mossad”
Carlos Daniel Barba Daza is a retired Navy officer who spent his entire military career working in intelligence. He is a psychologist, a polygraph expert, trained to detect potential dangers in people. In 2008, he requested his discharge from his institution because he was involved in an alleged leak of information in the Intelligence Directorate, which he was originally investigating. His name also made it to the media because he was an external advisor to the Business Track company, involved in the corporate telephone spying scandal. In this case “Cali Barba”, as he is known in the intelligence community, was only a witness. He was neither charged nor prosecuted. But he still carries that stigma on his forehead.
Approximately in mid-June 2022, Barba contacted alias “El Español” for the first time through his friend, lawyer Carlos Paredes Castro, who told him that the foreigner needed advice to buy counterintelligence equipment. Paredes Castro knew him through another Spaniard, a businessman born in Alicante, Sergio Castellanos Martínez, whom he advised on legal issues at the company Compañía Agrícola Lima SAC, accused of trafficking land in North Lima. The lawyer did not call Jorge Hernández Fernández “El Español”, he knew him as “Mossad”, in reference to the Israeli intelligence service, because he was the security support for the evictions or “possession defense” of the company whose legal representative was Castellanos. When Barba spoke with him for the first time, he gave the impression of speaking to a neophyte in intelligence matters, he seemed more like a lobbyist with contacts with the political power of the day because he boasted of having direct access to President Castillo and ancestry with the bosses from the police. Barba says that he was curious as a man of intelligence, to know to what extent his alleged power was true, and what was behind this subject who claimed to be Spanish but spoke with a Central American accent. In military intelligence, the Cuban G2, the Castro intelligence service that infiltrates countries in the region, is always suspected. Barba thought that alias “El Español” could be one of them. He continued advancing until “Jorge”, as he called him, proposed a direct meeting with the president to discuss a parallel counterintelligence group at the service of the criminal organization led by him.
The “special agent” chose the surnames Medina —in honor of the cabin boy Alberto Medina, the last crew member of the Huáscar— and Silva, because he wanted to make alias “El Español” “whistle” like a bird.
Sunday television programs have reconstructed with security videos and from the journalistic archive the pompous operation that alias “El Español” and Henry Shimabukuru put together so that Cali Barba would meet with Pedro Castillo. It was the morning of Tuesday, September 13, 2022, inside Shimabukuru’s car, when the then president was leaving an official activity in San Bartolo. The only condition that Barba put on “Jorge” is that nobody listen to the meeting, he wanted to know how vulnerable the president’s security was. He complied with his request and had him alone in the back seat of the car. The first thing he said to Castillo was “you are a dead man.” He remembers that he looked at him exorbitantly without understanding. The sailor explained that his personal security was very vulnerable, that no one had searched him before the meeting, that he could carry a gun or a dagger, or have poisoned hands. Castillo accepted the criticism and asked him to help him with it. But his greatest interest was to propose that Carlos Barba be the new head of the DINI. He replied that he could not accept the position because the press was going to recall the Business Track case to discredit him. That it didn’t suit him. Castillo understood his reasons but asked him to help the “friend”, that is, alias “El Español”, to put together this parallel counterintelligence group. They parted with a handshake. That day he did not bring any audio or video recording equipment because he thought that, as usually happens with the security of any president in the world, he was going to be thoroughly checked before the meeting. He set out to arrange a second meeting to be recorded with sophisticated audio and video equipment.
The infiltration of the “Special Agent”
The chats and calls continued with “Jorge” until Cali Barba, one night in the first week of October 2022, saw on the Willax Television program Combutters, that the host Philip Butters, a link from the United States, denounced an alleged plan to attempt against the life of the Prosecutor of the Nation, a relative of the prosecutor Marita Barreto, Colonel Harvey Colchado, Rafael López Aliaga and against Butters himself. According to Butters, the subject who was putting together this chain of attacks commissioned by the highest level of political power was known as “El Español”. Later, the photograph of Sergio Castellanos was shown attributing that condition to him. Barba couldn’t wait and called a friend from naval intelligence, also retired, who he knew was a friend of Butters, to tell him that the real Spaniard was not Castellanos, but someone he knew by the name of “Jorge.” His friend took the message to Butters and he insisted on meeting Barba. They meet at the driver’s office in Miraflores and eventually Butters contacts the sailor with Colonel Harvey Colchado. The special team of the prosecution led by Marita Barreto proposes to Cali Barba to become a “special agent” under the name of José Alberto Medina Silva. The sailor says that he chose the surnames Medina —in honor of the cabin boy Alberto Medina, who according to the official website of the Peruvian Navy was the last crew member of the Huáscar— and Silva, because he wanted to make alias “El Español” “whistle” like a bird. ”. The names of José Alberto were determined because in the Reniec database there was no citizen with the full name of José Alberto Medina Silva.
If Castillo did not carry out his coup d’état, perhaps he would have been vacated in a few weeks with the incontrovertible evidence that the Special Agent was going to obtain.
From that moment on, all contact between the “special agent” and “Jorge” was registered by the police officers led by Colchado. The famous trip to Panama that Barba made with Fujimori congressman Luis Cordero Jon Tay in search of electronic espionage equipment was financed with funds from the special team. Agent Barba’s goal was to achieve a new personal meeting with Castillo, they planned it with alias “El Español” for Monday, December 5 of last year. The president canceled the meeting for the following day at the last minute. But on Tuesday the 6th, Pedro Castillo did not respond to a single message or call to the alleged Jorge Hernández Fernández. The next day, Wednesday the 7th, he carried out his self-coup at 11 in the morning. At night he slept in the Diroes, arrested in flagrante delicto for breaking the constitutional order. If Castillo did not carry out his coup d’état, perhaps he would have been vacated in a few weeks with the incontrovertible evidence that the Special Agent was going to obtain. The irrefutable proof of the corruption that his defenders demanded so much. It was not necessary. Castillo emptied himself.
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*Author of The other Vlady. Unauthorized biography of the Nation’s most famous goalkeeper.