Tkings questions were to be raised on the occasion of the declaration of general policy pronounced Wednesday, July 6 by Elisabeth Borne. The first concerned the ability of the head of government to overcome the test of fire. Deprived of an absolute majority, targeted by the filing of a motion of censure even before having delivered his speech, watched by the numbers two and three of the government, Bruno Le Maire and Gérald Darmanin, who came from the ranks of the right and many more political than she… the pressure was maximum.
Elisabeth Borne knew how to manage it. Her speech was sometimes long, her voice often covered by the heckling of her opponents, but remaining faithful to her register – seriousness, pugnacity -, relying on her career as a deserving Republican, constantly referring to political contexts and particularly dramatic geopolitics, it appeared sufficiently armored to cross its first hurdle without damage.
The second question concerned the content of what the Prime Minister was going to try to implement. No offense to La France insoumise (LFI) and the National Rally, which challenge the President of the Republic the legitimacy of implementing his project, his roadmap remains the one drawn up by the candidate Macron on March 17. Its most controversial aspects have not been erased. The pension reform is still there, the objective of gradually restoring the public accounts without raising taxes remains proclaimed despite a new burst of expenditure of 50 billion euros to defend purchasing power. Simply, the details are even more vague than before because they are subject to discussion and a search for compromise, in particular on the retirement age, which has been a red flag throughout the electoral campaign.
Sharing of responsibilities
The only real break assumed compared to the previous five-year term lies in the method. Farewell to verticality, make way for the sharing of power or rather of responsibilities at all levels: national and local. Emmanuel Macron said he was ready for it, his prime minister drives the point home. By inviting political parties to take over the institutional work, by betting on differentiation to try to resolve the most glaring inequalities, such as access to healthcare, and by agreeing to open discussions without taboos with Corsican nationalists, the Prime Minister has shown herself willing to go far in questioning France’s centrality in an attempt to reinvolve as many players as possible in the game.
The third question related to Elisabeth Borne’s ability to generate project majorities in the National Assembly, for lack of a real coalition. The reaction of the various political groups made it possible to provide the beginning of a response. It is on the side of the various right and LR, which raises the stakes around the valuation of work, the strengthening of security and the restoration of public accounts, that the possibilities of compromise appear the strongest.
Coming from the ranks of the PS, determined to lead the ecological transition from Matignon, determined to carry high the fight against discrimination and for equal opportunities, the former collaborator of Bertrand Delanoë has not, however, given up on gradually finding allies. within the government left. For the moment, it is united behind LFI in a radical opposition. Elisabeth Borne wants to flush it out, taking public opinion to witness. The success or failure of his business will depend on Emmanuel Macron’s ability to make the “at the same time” last.