This week – which was almost dead in terms of political action – the biggest gainers in public opinion, almost miraculously and without any effort on their part, were the ultra-orthodox parties. Even without sensational articles in “Yeded Neman” and even without a mass family event in the extensive Gafni family. The event came in the form of an ultimate farce. An advertisement in News 12, which first heralded the attempt of the chairman of Yesh Atid, Prime Minister Yair Lapid, to build a new political bridge to the hearts of the ultra-Orthodox through the establishment of a new party. In practice, it turned out to be a WhatsApp correspondence from about a month ago between the ultra-Orthodox broadcaster Menachem Toker and Lapid.
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The correspondence came against the backdrop of Toker’s tweet, who wondered how a strong and well-known ultra-Orthodox figure had not yet formed a party of the ultra-Orthodox workers. It turns out that the chairman of Yesh Atid connected with the question and encouraged his interlocutor to take action and be the figure that will come and establish. The original tweet can no longer be seen on Toker’s account, and the new ultra-Orthodox party will not be established either (at least not this time), but the conclusion that the public drew from the publication was precisely correct and in place.
Apparently there is not one leader of a major party left in Israel who sees himself as a candidate for Prime Minister, who is still building on the possibility of forming a coalition without ultra-Orthodox. This dream, which circulated in the districts of the center-left camp, became a reality in the last year, and as Knesset member Nir Orbach said in a different context, but in precise wording: “The attempt failed.”
The ultra-orthodox parties have returned to the center of the political discourse and have scored a significant achievement for themselves: although they are leading this battle from the opposition, they are already – at an early stage, more than three months before the elections – branded as the most sought-after component for any possible coalition they will try to form here after November 1. The ultra-Orthodox stocks soared, and all this while the dirty work was done by others. what’s good.
Many things can be argued about the ultra-orthodox members of the Knesset, but they are not innocent. Not Moshe Gafni, not Uri Makleb or Yitzhak Pindros, who have recently been dropping hints about their possible openness to other options apart from continuing their loyalty to Likud and Netanyahu. And neither is Yaakov Asher, who makes sure to claim that there is no change, and it’s either Netanyahu or no one. Everyone there is well aware of the quiet truth behind the facade of official passwords. This quiet truth is said mainly in closed meetings without leaks to the media, in the discourse between the businessmen of the sector and in the homes of the rabbis who are members of the Council of Torah Elders.
The ultra-Orthodox did not change their opinion about Lapid, and equally they believe that Lapid also did not undergo a dramatic mental event and did not really fall in love with the idea of partnership with Torah Judaism and with Shas. However, both sides understood and internalized that the disconnection is not beneficial to either of them, and therefore should be replaced diskette and find ways to get closer.
The ultra-orthodox boycott of Lapid reached its historic peak during the tenure of Yaakov Litzman, kosher and later as deputy minister. Litzman took care on a daily personal level to remind the chairman of Yesh Atid that nothing has changed, and he has nothing to look for in the ultra-Orthodox areas. The embarrassing scene from seven years ago that took place in the Knesset plenum, when Lapid touched Litzman’s shoulder, and the latter hurried to “clean” the suit with a hand movement that no one understands Those present did not miss it – it marked the height of hostility.
As far as Lapid is concerned, he has also come a long way – from the “Where’s the Money” campaign and the slogan “Everyone should serve”, through the marked disconnection from the ultra-orthodox wing of politics, until the last year, during which there was a noticeable change in his approach. Times have changed, and with them the roles of the players on the wheel have also changed. Litzman is enjoying his retirement, Lapid serves as Prime Minister of Israel, and the ultra-Orthodox parties are paving their way from the wilderness of the opposition back to the centers of power. Even today the ultra-orthodox prefer to return together with the right-wing led by Netanyahu. But unlike two years of election rounds, they are no longer ready to rule out alternatives.
Prime Minister Lapid at the faction meeting: “The choice is not between me and Netanyahu” (Photo: Yossi Pons/Tadmit)
Gantz is built to link
The Jewish Torah Party approaches the work of the elections in a complex situation. Also in terms of the internal feuds, which were never absent and never beneficial to the political functioning, but mainly in terms of the state of the spiritual leadership, whose political decisions are in their hands. The centralization of leadership has been crumbling in recent years. From leader to leader, this power is loosened and dispersed among courtyards, groups and factions. Rabbi Haim Kanievsky was the last almost ultimate authority that still united all the currents. This situation greatly facilitated the non-Orthodox politicians who sought to receive his blessing and the “Orthodox Kosher certificate”, which served them faithfully in the political moves they planned and carried out.
As long as Rabbi Kanievsky was alive and his political leadership was considered unshakable, Netanyahu, Benny Gantz, as well as other political figures, knew exactly how and through which factors they had to act in order to conduct a fruitful dialogue with the ultra-orthodox leadership, gain support and promote moves.
This time the ultra-Orthodox-Ashkenazi party enters the election period when its spiritual leadership remains without an ultimate authority figure. Rabbi Gershon Edelstein, who was crowned as the successor to the position of captain, admittedly did not assume leadership at the same ultimate level as Rabbi Kanievsky, but his leadership is sufficient to trust his position. Also, most of the rabbis of the Council of Torah Elders are unanimous regarding the political possibilities that are expected to come after the elections. They prefer the right, but do not rule out alternative scenarios. The only scenario that the rabbinical houses of Torah Judaism are not prepared to hear is that of the continuation of the floundering, of another election without a decision.
If you open the sectoral newspapers, you won’t exactly learn from the editorials and commentary what the real discourse is that takes place away from the spotlight of the party media. The message to the public, just as a political message should be, is not ambiguous: the continuation of loyalty to the bloc. Everything else is labeled “unfounded speculation”.
The reality behind the slogans is much more pragmatic. The difference between Gantz’s method and Lapid’s method is expressed mainly in the way they operate in the ultra-orthodox realm. Gantz’s people did not wait for the fall of the government or the elections to start building bridges. Throughout the last year, the associates of the Minister of Defense have worked hard so that the image of someone who sees himself as a candidate for Prime Minister will be considered acceptable and perhaps even desirable in the houses of the influential rabbis. Gantz himself is also built for this connection – he is a traditionalist by nature, who has never built a political campaign on opposition to the ultra-orthodox.
The working ultra-Orthodox
Lapid’s path was very different, much longer and winding. In the early years of Yesh Atid, the attitude towards the ultra-Orthodox reflected a desire to adapt them to the general Israeli reality. Not necessarily in a collision or a head-on collision, but regardless of their desire or unwillingness to be adjusted. The method gave rise to many and varied consequences. Along with disconnection and even hostility, there were also positive things such as the ultra-Orthodox state education system, the result of the initiative of the Yesh Atid party and the Minister of Education on its behalf at the time, Rabbi Shay Piron. Although in the eyes of ultra-Orthodox politicians, this is a hostile body, because it was established on the basis of seemingly foreign agendas and by a hostile party, but the Ma’mahim institutions have brought good news to thousands of ultra-Orthodox families seeking for their children a Torah education that combines core subjects necessary for acquiring a profession later on.
Lapid’s current perception of his relationship with ultra-Orthodox politics and the way to disconnect and cooperate – is different from Gantz’s. Lapid’s people do not work behind the scenes, and do not organize meetings with businessmen over a Thursday cholent plate or meetings in rabbinic homes. Lapid believes in promoting working relationships improved and in frontal work that may create fertile ground for the continuation. Quite a few ultra-Orthodox MKs know how to tell about successful collaborations, especially in the parliamentary arena, that they developed with Yesh Atid people during the past year. According to ultra-Orthodox political sources, “Lapid’s current status has changed. No longer an enemy or an antagonist, but an accepted partner.”
Another source claims: “If the system reaches a situation where Netanyahu does not have 61 fingers for the coalition and the mandate returns to the president, we will not rule out a partnership with Lapid. Not as prime minister, we are not there, but as a very senior partner in the government – absolutely yes. We can recommend Gantz as a candidate for prime minister.” All this, of course, on the condition that the right-wing government led by Netanyahu will not be established this time as well.”
And if we have already mentioned Shai Piron, the ultra-Orthodox state education system and the “working ultra-Orthodox”, it is worth returning to the topic from which we started – the idea of establishing a new ultra-orthodox party. If there is a wrong way to reach the hearts of the ultra-Orthodox, including the politicians, businessmen and rabbis – this is the way to divide and establish a new framework that claims to represent an important stream within the ultra-Orthodox public. Within the entire ultra-orthodox sector, according to the data of the sector pollsters, about 3 mandates today come from exactly this public. In the past, the people of Torah Judaism used to call them disparagingly “the new ultra-Orthodox”, and mostly disowned them on the grounds that “they are not ultra-Orthodox at all”.
Over time, this public grew, and accordingly – the attitude of the ultra-orthodox political mainstream changed. The ultra-orthodox politicians recognized the electoral potential and changed their tune. In recent years, especially on the eve of elections, you can hear Moshe Gafni and his party members expressing fatherly warmth towards the working ultra-Orthodox, calling them “meat from our flesh” and praising them as they should.
And after all this and despite what has been said, the last thing the working ultra-Orthodox public is interested in is a separate party of its own. If she had stood up, she would have failed at the polls. The working ultra-Orthodox consider themselves first and foremost as ultra-orthodox. The sectoral affiliation is as dear to them as gold. Their goal is to be considered equal among equals within their community – and not to be separated from it. So if Lapid, Gantz or any other politician wants to score points on the level of the working ultra-Orthodox – let them work with the existing ultra-Orthodox parties and reach agreements with them. You can close it on WhatsApp that each of the ultra-Orthodox MKs has.
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