2024-06-29 23:18:09
The title of this article comes from the speech given by José Martí on 10 October 1891, and it also appears in the part of that speech reproduced by Martí himself in his letter of 12 January 1892 to Enrique Collazo. The chamber piece shows the enthusiasm associated with the commemoration of the 1868 uprising, and the controversial letter is released after the challenge given by Martí on November 26, 1891, in another original speech, which Martí gave to the book. On foot and barefootby Ramón Roa.
Since clarifying these facts would go beyond the purpose of this article, the author refers to his essay “On foot, and we will come. On the Martí(-Roa-)Collazo controversy”, published in the ninth installment (1986) of Marti Study Center Yearbookand in his book José Martí, with the bow maid (1990). In that controversy – the initiative in question – Martí was accused of suspecting the soldiers of Mambis of ’68 who remained in Cuba, not the emigration, from which he created the unity necessary to continue the fight on for the liberation of his native country. But Martí did not maintain an abstract unity without limits, and he made it clear that his criticism of November 1891, based on facts, was aimed at a specific situation, which spread the fear of war when there was an urgency to prepare for it.
In order to put himself in the controversy—which strengthened his image—he mentioned in the letter something that he expressed on October 10: “Whether they live in Cuba or not, those who took participate in the revolution of men I said about three months. since then. : ‘And the first thing this year, as one or another bird passed through the air in the night, is to announce that the cult of the revolution was never so ugly or so tender in our souls. The fathers of the house, served from the cradle by slaves, who decided to serve the slaves with their blood, and they became the fathers of people,” he said as an example of his judgment, and continued to praise those who deserved it on this way.
In order not to reproduce here the entire fragment that he dedicated to them in the speech and that he returned to them in the letter, state: “They are our flesh, and our interior and our pride, and the roots of our freedom, and the parents of our heart. , and the sun of our sky, and from the heaven of justice, and shadows that no one should touch except with reverence and prudence.” The praise is summed up in this ending: “And all who have served are holy!”
But Martí did not recommend unconditionally, but the reflective loyalty, which strengthens convictions. It is known that in a text of The Golden Age (1889), “Three Heroes,” about the founders he revered – especially Simón Bolívar, his great inspiration in our America, whom he once called “man of the sun” – wrote: “It is impossible for men to be more perfect than the sun. The sun burns with the same light it goes. There are spots on the sun. The unpleasant people only speak the spots. “Speak gratefully of the light.” He did not ignore the stains, and he did not ask that the grateful ones only speak of the light, but that they recognize him, to be guided by him: “The grateful,” he said, “speak of the light.”
It is not surprising that the part of the speech reproduced in the letter ends like this: “He who set foot in the war; the one put together by a Cuban from his bag; The one who wanted redemption in good faith, and who sacrificed his future and his fortune, already has a seal on his face, and a look in his eyes, which even his own ignorance could not erase afterwards.” It is clear (with light) that he refers to the ignorance that some may bring upon themselves after doing heroic deeds and, although it was not enough to destroy the value of those deeds, it did not disappear, but incorporated it. into the analysis.
So—apart from the fragment between the speech and the letter, quoted here after an edition of his Epistolary (1993)—wrote to Collazo in the following terms: “He who fought in the revolution, Mr. Collazo, is a saint to me. He who indicates that he fought in the revolution, or who afterwards enjoys among his enemies more influence than he had among his contemporaries, or who uses his influence for the victory of the resurrection of the country whose victory is all she needs to weaken, that person will. lower his eyes before me, Mr. Collazo, although he was active in the revolution; and he will bring them down before every honest man.” It is also worth remembering that he said in the speech, after what was posted in the letter: “To all the brave people, health and health percent, even if they were small or wrong!”
He valued the importance of paradigms, and in the profile – published in The Cuban Warningfrom New York, on October 10, 1888—where he wisely combined the two—an honest tactic in itself, and valid for reversing sectarianism—suggested Carlos Manuel de Céspedes (“the stimulus,” “the volcano, which comes , wonderful and imperfect, from the womb of the earth”) and Ignacio Agramonte (“virtue”, as “the blue space that […] crown” to the volcano). This is how he valued them because he was sure they deserved it: “History will come, with its passions and judges; and having been captured and overthrown according to his will, they will still remain in the first place and in the dignity of each other, as the subject of the epic.
They were two of the heroes in which he looked and saw lessons for his companion. The place of those sins does not stop or diminish with the passage of time, and some of them have earned titles of endorsement of their actions, through their lives, until death. Céspedes himself not only went, but yeshe Father of the Nation; as was Agramonte, and yes also, The oldest person. Some other title might be applied late, for whatever reasons or reasons, but it will also be indelible, so Mother Country awarded to Mariana Grajales.
Such labels cannot be restrained even with the best of intentions. Needless to say, they are historical models; but it is also not necessary to add the adjective historical, as if they were frozen in time or we should be happy to apply them also to other deserving founders. They will deserve them, but those titles already exist is busy, not by decree, but by merit, and those who have received them represent the whole patriot line that has come or is yet to come. And what we need.
History did not stop in the 19th century: it continued its march, in which new pillars would shine. Didn’t Camilo Cienfuegos emerge, Lord of the Vanguard; or Ernesto Che Guevara, The Guerrilla Hero? They were historical people, just as the titles they earned are historical titles, though they may have rejected them in their modesty. And none of them should be limited to the “historical”, a sign that may have the taste of cornering oneself in the past.
In this panorama of light, Fidel Castro stands out, who surpassed the rank of Commander, and filled another title: Leader of the Cuban Revolution. Of known linguistic origin, and with different implications in other cultures and circumstances, leader It is about those who lead, those who guide, those who lead. And in the Cuban Revolution these functions are marked at the highest level by the fighter who was, with respect, respect and familiarity at the same time, for years known as the people horse -immortal treatment by the Argentinian poet Juan Gelman-, just as he called him and continues to call him by his name, Fidel. Put it in your title Leader the label historical which is not necessary, and does not seem to do him or us justice: it is Leader.
On February 24, 2008, Army General Raúl Castro, who was president of the Council of State and the Council of Ministers at the time, and the first Secretary of the Party, said in terms of the greatest attention and respect they deserve more: “Fidel is Fidel, everyone. we know it well. Fidel cannot be replaced and the people will continue his work when he is no longer physically there,” adding: “Only the Communist Party, a sure guarantee of the unity of the Cuban nation, can be a worthy heir to the confidence that the Communist presents. people as a leader.”
To achieve that, the Communist Party of Cuba must continue to fulfill the missions and demands that will allow us to say what Martí proposed as the Revolutionary Party of Cuba. In the article with which he blessed its establishment on April 3, 1892, which was announced seven days later, he explained that duty: “The Cuban Revolutionary Party is the people of Cuba.” These are the words of the guide who was nominated by his peers during his life The Apostle y Teachertitles that must be kept free from any arrangement that could move them.
Cover: Artwork by José Delarra.
#serves #sacred