2023-05-15 11:25:00
When DW visited Osman Kavala in a Turkish prison at the end of 2019, he was still confident that he would be released soon. But it turned out differently: Kavala remained behind bars awaiting the verdict. Then in April 2022, an Istanbul court sentenced him to life imprisonment.
The global resonance was huge. Germany strongly condemned the decision of the court. Kavala, an entrepreneur, human rights activist, philanthropist and philanthropist, is accused of organizing and funding protests in Istanbul’s Gezi Park in 2013. Then the protests were first directed against the construction of a shopping center, and then against the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
DW correspondent Linda Vierecke managed to interview him again for the DW documentary “Osman Kavala: The Voice from Prison”, this time in written form.
DW: Why doesn’t the government want to let you go free?
Osman Kavala: My lengthy detention helps give the impression that the trumped-up charges against me are true. The President has repeatedly stated that the reason for my imprisonment is my fault. This statement can also be understood in the sense that my stay in prison is proof of my guilt. If I were released, it would turn out that the charges against me were fabricated, and there were show trials against the participants in the protests in Gezi.
– How did you get involved in the protests in Gezi Park ten years ago?
– When I first learned about the government’s plan to build a mall that would completely destroy the park, I joined my colleagues in convincing the government and the public that this was a terrible idea.
My office was located almost next to the park. So I could watch and talk to the youth that gathered there. I was impressed by their determination to protect the park, as well as their strong sense of justice and spirit of solidarity. Most of them were not associated with any organization and probably took part in protests for the first time. During the protests, I brought a speaker, a plastic table, and some cookies to the park. These things became the only evidence in the indictment that I allegedly financed these protests.
– What do you think about the accusation, which has not been proven?
– Today, in order to put someone behind bars in Turkey, it is no longer necessary to identify the alleged crime and look for concrete evidence if the government considers someone guilty.
In my case, Erdogan started making serious accusations against me even before the indictment was drawn up. I don’t think the government or the prosecutors who drafted the indictment really believe the absurd claim that I planned and organized the protests in collaboration with George Soros. It was clear from the beginning that the protests were spontaneous and had no central command structure (Osman Kavala was one of the founders of the Turkish branch of the American philanthropist George Soros’s Open Society Foundation, which promotes democratic movements, but ceased operations in Turkey in 2018, – Ord.).
– Do you agree with the statement that the Turkish government, by imprisoning you, is trying to send a signal to the Western world?
– I think that with my persecution, the government wanted to achieve several goals, which were aimed primarily at the domestic audience. The 2019 European Court of Human Rights judgment in my case stated that my arrest sent a message to civil society activists. He warns them against engaging in activities that the government considers harmful.
Reports that foreign countries are organizing an anti-government plot were prepared to criminalize the protests in Gezi Park. They were also used to stigmatize other street demonstrations. In addition, this process is an example for the judiciary to act and make decisions in line with the government’s vision and priorities. The real message is that if the president, as a sovereign power, finds a person guilty, then neither domestic nor international law can prevent him from being prosecuted.
– You have invested a lot of effort in the city of Diyarbakir, especially in the development of the Kurdish community. Why was it so important to you? Have you ever considered it a dangerous activity?
– In my youth, I had the opportunity to visit Diyarbakir and other southeastern cities. Thanks to this experience, I realized that this region of my country is very different from others. My conversations with Kurdish friends have helped me better understand how they feel about the repressive and discriminatory policies they are subjected to and the different political conditions in the region.
I thought that personal contacts, communication and cooperation between artists, writers and intellectuals from Istanbul and Diyarbakir would contribute to the development of mutual understanding and, therefore, trust. It is trust that is needed to feel like a member of one community. In my experience, art and various artistic projects play an important role in building mental and emotional bridges – they allow us to consider and discuss issues of political content in a more friendly atmosphere.
Why do you think the government targeted you specifically?
– The indictment prepared against me says that I worked with minority groups to turn them against the government, and that this activity was carried out under the guise of cultural programs. We have been operating in the southeastern regions of Turkey for 20 years, and this is the first time such a false accusation has been made by an official body. In my opinion, this indicates the growth of an authoritarian mentality with tendencies towards hostility towards minorities in the political sphere.
– Why did you choose this “minefield” for your activities, knowing that it is dangerous? You could just focus on making money like others do.
– Making money is fine. But I consider it a great privilege to live in a society where people of different nationalities and religions feel like equal citizens. And where the poor and the rich can enjoy the same public services. The belief that work contributes to the creation of such a society also gives a person a sense of enrichment, despite some of the associated risks.
– Tell us about your daily routine in prison.
– I have no complaints about the conditions of detention and treatment here. I think this is one of the best prisons in Turkey. I am placed in solitary confinement and spend most of my time reading, especially fiction. It’s very important for me to keep my sanity. I watch the news on independent TV channels and I also get newspapers every day. During the day, I have the opportunity to use my little patio for walking.
In the summer I feed the sparrows nesting against the wall. I watch the seagulls fly to the sea. I also love watching clouds, their shape and movement. It allows me to feel closer to nature.
I receive letters from friends and often from people I don’t know. I am trying to answer these letters. With my wife, I can talk on the phone for one hour every week when there is glass between us, and once a month without any obstacles. The time of meetings with lawyers is not limited. If the Court of Cassation upholds the life sentence, then the conditions of my detention will be much worse.
– What was your first reaction to a life sentence? How do you feel now?
– I expected many years of imprisonment, as it was necessary to justify my long and unjust arrest. I never thought that I would be sentenced to life imprisonment on the basis of the same evidence that the European Court of Human Rights considered insufficient for my arrest.
At previous hearings, the decision to extend my detention without proper justification gave me a strong sense of injustice. When I heard the verdict, I felt deep sadness about the state of the judiciary and judges in my country.
There are many prisoners who have been convicted of unfair decisions, and many of them have been behind bars longer than I have. However, I think that the various stages of this political process, the use of trumped-up charges to extend my detention – and finally this life sentence verdict – show very clearly how common the manipulation of trials in Turkey and the abuse of the Turkish penitentiary system are. I try to keep my inner calm and look forward to political changes in my country.
– What are your hopes and concerns?
– The fact that six opposition parties from different areas of the political spectrum have formed an alliance and developed a detailed program outlining how they intend to govern Turkey together is very promising.
The program aims to restore rights and freedoms, return to a parliamentary system and ensure the independence of the judiciary. I think that the deteriorating economic situation and the earthquake, after which it became clear to many that the government is unable to save the lives of its citizens, increased the demand for change.
I look to the future of Turkey with hope. We have a strong political opposition with deeply rooted traditions. In the last local elections, the opposition won a majority in all mayor’s offices of major cities. There is room for democratic political and civic activism that cannot be suppressed and that will prevent the transition to an authoritarian system even if the opposition fails to win this election.
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