“Gypsies? The power groups wanted to get rid of Conte first and then of the left-M5s pact. Their interests? Certainly not the fragile ones of society”

“For the interests of those who live outside the restricted traffic areas, the progressive alliance is the only hope. If the Democratic party returned to the centrists, the pact with 5 stars e Free and Equal would become impractical. And this worries me a lot ”. He sees it like this Stefano Fassina, formerly responsible for economic affairs and deputy minister of the economy in the government Read, then escaped from the Democratic Party – in controversy with the Renzi management – and among the founders of Italian left, now deputy of LeU and city councilor of Roma. His interpretation of the resignation of Nicola Zingaretti from the secretariat, entrusted to a post on Facebook, it is clear: “After having done away with Giuseppe Conte, Zingaretti’s obstacle to the program remained normalization of Italy”.

Honorable Fassina, what should be “normalized”?
The abnormality was an executive, the Conte 2, who began to deal with neglected issues e social groups leave to margins. Conte is not Che Guevara, his government was certainly not revolutionary, but it was able to question rents that seemed untouchable, I think of Atlantia and to the theme of concessions motorway. There are delicate dossiers, the crisis of Monte dei Paschi or the single network Telecom, which the major centers of interest preferred others to manage. Most of the media have explicitly promoted and cultivated this design. All in the light of the sun, it is not a conspiracy reconstruction.

So the resignation of Zingaretti respond to the same logic of the change of government?
We can assume that behind the two operations there are the same ones power groups. They wanted to get rid of Conte and kill in the cradle the project of a stable progressive alliance between Pd, 5 Stelle and LeU, capable of challenging – at least in part – the consolidated economic and social order: the “alliance for sustainable development”, as the former premier defined it, of which Zingaretti was one of the guarantors.

At the beginning, however, Zingaretti did not want the pact with the 5 Stars, it was Renzi’s initiative. He said “either Count or vote”, then the yes to Draghi immediately arrived. Doesn’t the absence of a clear political line pay off?
It is clear that he too has a share of responsibility. But he became secretary without controlling the parliamentary groups, directly emanating from Renzi. A widespread and settled internal opposition has had to deal with, which pushes to return to Blair’s liberalism and has always rowed against it. They are the ones who in 2013 wanted for the party “theMonti agenda“, Now they want”the Draghi agenda“. I get goosebumps just hearing them.

Are you talking about the Renzians remaining in the “firm”?
Renzi is the effect, not the cause. The liberalists of the center have always had a big weight in the Democratic Party. And Renzi was only an interpreter of the restoration, there are many others.

In short, did Zingaretti do nothing wrong?
If you like, it was imprudent. When the crisis began, he should have taken into account the fact that a large part of his parliamentary groups did not want the Count, despite the fact that everyone in public said the opposite. Instead he spent himself defending that experience, he used very clear tones, and he crashed. Friendly fire has become unsustainable.

Without the Recovery Fund billions on the table, would all this have happened anyway?
I think so. In my opinion it emphasizes the range of the European funds, which will arrive “in installments”, 30 billion a year for 5 years, not 200 and passes in one fell swoop. Certainly they were a significant motivation, but the urgency to bring the situation “under control” is not limited to this. Taking out the progressive alliance, for example, leaves the field free to carry out the project ofdifferentiated autonomy between Regions, which would mean the end of national unity.

However, she voted for her trust in Draghi.
Pd, 5 Stelle and LeU, if they remain united, are still a relative majority in Parliament. We must not give up building an axis that could have a decisive influence on the new government. By withdrawing in no particular order, we would leave the field free to others to pursue a vision opposite to ours. We need to work to build the alliance at all levels, in Parliament, institutions and local bodies. In this sense, the parliamentary intergroup is an excellent initiative, as is Zingaretti’s choice to include the 5 Stars in the Lazio council.

How should this alliance deal with the Draghi government?
First of all, to be clear that it is a government of purpose, wanted by the President of the Republic to manage the health crisis. He is not an executive of political derivation, like Count 1 and Count 2. For this we must not be dragged into improper operations on a democratic level: Draghi must not design the future of the country, he must lead it safely to new elections. That, were it for me, they could hold on to September, together with the administrative ones just postponed. But the normalization in progress has other plans.

It will also depend on the next secretary of the Democratic Party. Will Zingaretti ask for reconfirmation at the national assembly on 13 and 14 March next?
Zingaretti will have limits, but he is a serious person. He will only agree to continue secretary with a strong mandate to carry out his ideas, otherwise he will not go back. And if the Pd passes the liberal line, dies every possibility of imagining a political project that looks outside the historic centers of large cities, to the needs of fragile and gods marginal. A prospect that worries me a lot.


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