Umesh Chaturvedi
Election rallies are seen as the biggest weapon of current politics to target power. Interestingly, every party is trying this weapon of Rewari and is also criticizing its opposition for it. The election process is gaining momentum in Maharashtra and Jharkhand. Many promises have been made by political parties. Despite this, even in the midst of elections, if a party feels that it is lagging behind and if a solid vote bank of a particular community can come along with it through a particular promise, then it will do so without any hesitation even with the promise of a new party.
far-fetched
There is no doubt that if political parties wish, they can curb this practice in view of the economic challenges after coming to power. But in today’s political environment full of distrust, the hope of political parties reaching a consensus on such a matter seems far-fetched.
Reason for unexpected victory
Hardly any political pundit had expressed hope of BJP returning to power for the fifth time regarding the Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections in 2023. But BJP not only returned to power, but also returned with great fanfare. The reason for the victory was attributed to the ‘Laadli Brahmin Yojana’, which was started by Shivraj Singh Chouhan on June 10, 2023 in Jabalpur, a city known as the culture capital of the state.
debt burden increased
Under this, an amount of one thousand rupees is being given by the government every month to the eligible women of the state above twenty one years of age. Madhya Pradesh, which is already in debt, has made a provision of Rs 18 thousand 984 crore for the year 2024 under this scheme. Madhya Pradesh has a debt of Rs 3.75 lakh crore till March 31, 2024. It is believed that due to some new loans, this amount has increased to Rs 3.85 lakh crore.
Maharashtra is also not behind
This scheme of Madhya Pradesh was considered such an electoral hit that on similar lines, Maharashtra has also started the Chief Minister Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana. Under this, financial assistance of Rs 1.5 thousand every month has started for women aged 21 to 65 years. An annual budget of Rs 46 thousand crore has been allocated for this scheme in the state. It should be known here that the Maharashtra government borrowed Rs 82 thousand 43 crore in the year 2023-24, due to which its total debt has increased to Rs 7.11 lakh crore.
My respect in response to Gogo Didi
In Jharkhand too, just before the announcement of elections, the state government has started ‘Mukhyamantri Mai Samman Yojana’, under which women have now been promised Rs 2500 every month. This is expected to increase the additional burden of Rs 9000 crore on the state. This is being said to be the answer to BJP’s ‘Gogo Didi Scheme’, under which BJP has promised to give Rs 2100 every month to women above 18 years of age if returned to power. These promises are being made in Jharkhand, which had a debt of more than Rs 25 thousand crore till December 2023.
Neck bell, five guarantees
The problems of Congress, which returned to power in Karnataka with the help of five guarantees, have increased significantly. It is another matter that she is not able to accept it openly. The burden on the state has increased by Rs 53 thousand crore annually. Similar is the situation in Himachal Pradesh and Punjab. The current ruling parties of these states have come to power because of such electoral shenanigans.
how to put reins
The time has come to stop the practice of distributing free election gifts and rabri. It would have been better if the political parties themselves had come to an opinion after mutual discussion. But since there seems to be no possibility of this, other constitutional institutions will have to take the initiative. In this context, it should also not be forgotten that the orders of the Supreme Court and the guidelines of the Election Commission have mostly played a role behind all the electoral reforms that have taken place in our country.
Hope from Supreme Court
In such a situation, the fact becomes important that the Supreme Court has issued a notice to the Election Commission and the Central Government this month on a petition filed against election extravagance, free gifts etc. However, the Supreme Court has already asked the Election Commission to ban free gifts and Revadi etc. The Election Commission has been turning its back on any such initiative citing lack of authority. It is hoped that this time the Supreme Court will not only find a way to remove these hurdles but will also work on defining the fine line between the obligations arising from the welfare character of the state and the promises of freebies for electoral victory.
(The author is a political analyst and senior journalist)
Disclaimer: The views expressed above are those of the author
Interview between Time.news Editor and Political Analyst Umesh Chaturvedi
Editor: Welcome, Umesh! Thank you for joining us to discuss the intense political landscape in India, especially with the upcoming elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand. It seems election rallies have become the go-to strategy for political parties. Can you elaborate on why you think they are such a powerful tool?
Umesh Chaturvedi: Thank you for having me! Yes, election rallies are indeed viewed as a primary weapon in contemporary politics. These rallies serve not just as a campaign platform, but as symbolic assertions of power. Each party tries to outdo one another, not only in the promises they make but also in the fervor and enthusiasm they evoke during their rallies. This is particularly crucial as the elections loom. If a party feels they’re losing ground, suddenly targeting a specific community with tailored promises becomes a common tactic to reinvigorate their vote bank.
Editor: It’s fascinating how strategic these promises can be. However, you also mentioned a sense of distrust in politics today. Can you explain this sentiment further?
Umesh Chaturvedi: Absolutely. Trust in political promises has decreased significantly. Many voters are wary, knowing that despite grand promises, the execution might not align. The ongoing economic challenges only exacerbate this sentiment. While parties could take a united stance to curb extravagant election pledges—especially given the rising debt burdens—they often choose the path of populism, which undermines the foundation of political integrity. The hope for consensus among political parties on financial prudence seems quite far-fetched in this climate.
Editor: Speaking of economic challenges, there’s been quite a buzz around the ‘Laadli Brahmin Yojana’ in Madhya Pradesh and similar schemes in Maharashtra and Jharkhand. How do you view the impact of these schemes on the elections?
Umesh Chaturvedi: The success of the ’Laadli Brahmin Yojana’ indeed took many by surprise during the Madhya Pradesh elections. The BJP’s victory was significantly attributed to this initiative, which grants Rs 1,000 monthly to eligible women. Surprisingly, this kind of financial assistance resonates strongly with voters, as it directly impacts their living conditions. Other states, like Maharashtra and Jharkhand, have quickly mirrored such strategies, indicating their effectiveness in swaying voters, despite increasing state debt. However, this raises concerns about fiscal responsibility in the long term.
Editor: It’s interesting how these schemes can bring immediate political returns, yet pose future challenges in terms of debt. You mentioned Maharashtra’s ‘Chief Minister Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana’. How do these initiatives compare across states in terms of sustainability?
Umesh Chaturvedi: Each state’s approach shows its attempt to replicate successful models, but sustainability differs. In Maharashtra, the budget for the female assistance scheme is substantial and indicates a willingness to invest heavily in social welfare. However, the resultant debt—over Rs 7.11 lakh crore—raises questions about long-term viability. Similarly, Jharkhand’s ‘Mukhyamantri Mai Samman Yojana’ is promising significant financial support but adds to existing debts, which could lead to a fiscal crisis down the road. It’s a cycle of promises that, while appealing, may backfire if not managed judiciously.
Editor: With all these initiatives and the looming debt, where do you see the political climate heading post-elections? Will voters continue to favor such populist measures, or is there potential for a shift?
Umesh Chaturvedi: I think that the electorate remains deeply divided. While populist measures continue to attract immediate attention and votes, there’s a growing segment of the population that is getting increasingly concerned about economic sustainability and governance. If the parties managing the debt can address economic issues effectively, they might start shifting their focus away from mere promise-making to real, actionable policies. However, for now, the electoral debate seems to be dominated by immediate benefits rather than long-term solutions. Only time will tell if voters will prioritize fiscal responsibility over short-term gains.
Editor: Thank you, Umesh, for your insights. It’s clear that the intersection of politics and economics will play a pivotal role in this election cycle and beyond.
Umesh Chaturvedi: Thank you for having me! It’s always a pleasure to discuss these pressing matters.