2024-07-04 14:57:39
By Murat Yakin
“Normal” capitalism cannot be maintained forever… Revolutions are periods in which the masses intervene in influencing historical events, unlike “normal” periods in which history is made by kings, ministers, dictators, parliaments and their institutions. In all these revolutionary times, the bourgeoisie basically tried to prevent the working class from intervening in events as an independent class.
In the process of class struggle, the workers brought their own organizations to the front, creating self-organized bodies of the Soviet type, which played an important role in the revolutions. However, as we have seen, these can be led by groups and leaders who are in the ranks of the working class but who are actually committed to the goals of the bourgeoisie and, therefore, can be corrupted. Therefore, in critical moments when the fate of a revolution must be decided, the existence of a revolutionary leader and organization becomes a decisive factor.
As the revolutionary process progresses, more and more new forms of organization emerge. But this does not mean that the revolutionary movement has spontaneously declined. This is a routine task that should have been accomplished in “normal” times.
Political freedom, which had been advanced by the monarchy, was regained by the masses with the abolition of the monarchy in February 1917. However, it soon became clear that the first part of the revolution had not progressed. nothing we can do. The solution of the sleeping problems of workers, peasants and soldiers. The Russian people demanded immediate peace, while the Provisional Government insisted on continuing the war and being faithful to the imperialist commitments.
Between July 3 and 7 – according to the Julian calendar – events got out of control. In the mobilizations centered in Saint Petersburg, soldiers and industrial workers staged massive protests against the “Provisional Government.” The masses are losing hope in some of the “renegades.” Thus the role of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries in the workers and army Soviets began to diminish as did their role in the bourgeois government, which the people increasingly hated.
On July 21, Kerensky became prime minister. When the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks of the Soviet leadership also recognized the authority of the temporary government, the workers’ soviets officially left. With the suppression of demonstrations, the era of dual power came to an end and the power of the Provisional Government became absolute.
However, the “revolution” felt strong enough to take over the streets. The time has come to take action to nullify the way of surrender.
The main goals of the counterrevolution were to prevent demonstrations, ban the Bolshevik Party and arrest its main leaders. The Provisional Government came under pressure from the landowners and industrialists (organized in the Union of Landers and the National Union of Commerce and Industry) and by the armed forces associated with the Union of Officers and Union The military to work to reorganize the political and military administration. . In these turbulent times, different Bonapartist options competed with each other.
Of these options, Kornilov undoubtedly represents the most determined to end the situation of dual power in the country, to strengthen the government’s authority by forming a military government, and to reorganize Russia’s participation in the war.
Many victories suffered by the Russian army in August 1917 let us know that they wanted to take over the kingdom. Germany has captured Riga. The founders complained about Bolshevik resistance in the army. A coup was planned for August 28, the sixth day of the February Revolution in the Russian calendar. For the last time, on the night of August 27, Kerensky realized that Kornilov was planning to defeat him. He announced his condemnation of the coup and removed Kornilov as commander.
However, it was too late. Kornilov decided to finish what he had started. He has the support of all the leaders. He sent some officers to Petrograd to organize a volunteer army of two thousand men. It has the support of the British and French governments. On August 28, opposition forces were moving towards the city from all directions, and in the afternoon some units were 33 kilometers from the city.
At this critical moment, when every minute counted, the Bolsheviks, who had gone underground, decided to lay down their first line on a tactical revolution. What is important now is not what Kerensky wants, but what the working people, who still believe in the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, want. But they want to protect the revolution.
The Bolsheviks called for joint action by these groups to defeat Kornilov. Lenin made it clear that fighting against Kornilov did not mean supporting the Kerensky regime. The group patiently set out to explain this to the masses through a large network of underground publications.
Its policy is that of opposing the opposition with arms in defense of the victories of the revolution, without this means support for the government that represents the bourgeoisie, the dictatorship and its war policy.
When the crew returned to Petrograd to defend the revolution they visited their comrades in Kresty prison, where Trotsky was held, and asked him if the time had come to overthrow the government. Trotsky answered: ‘No, the time has not yet come; put his gun on Kerensky’s shoulder and shoot Kornilov. These words sum up the policy of the Bolsheviks, who did not abandon the struggle against the Constitutional Government, but only changed the way of struggle.
At the gates of Petrograd two different systems faced each other. Kornilov’s plan included the continuation of the imperialist war at all costs, the restoration of the old regime, the merciless destruction of the revolutionary process and the warring of cities and factories. The Bolsheviks opposed this plan with a different line, the basic line which was the arrest of all workers who were or were suspected of being government officials, the shooting of opponents, the immediate disarmament of the entire working class, in Factories. be under the control of the workers to break the loss. The last point comes not from a Bolshevik, but from Weinstein, a Menshevik: Organization of a military council.
The Bolsheviks, whose leaders were still in prison or in hiding, agreed to join the Military Revolutionary Committee with the Old Revolutionaries and Mensheviks with one condition: Arms distribution to the workers. 40,000 guns will be distributed to workers, who will form groups organized with soldiers in all areas of the capital.
Although the Bolsheviks were a small part of this committee, in practice, they brought it under their control. The “Army Revolutionary Committee” was to play a vital role in the survival of the world’s first workers’ state until the end of the civil war.
Relations between the Red Guards of the Soviet Workers and the military ranks, which were mainly peasants recruited for the war, began to strengthen again.
The workers quickly became armed. The munitions factories worked day and night to make the weapons necessary for the defense of Petrograd against Kornilov. Postal and railroad workers were recruited by unions. Trains were diverted, telegrams did not reach the anti-revolutionary headquarters, locomotives broke down in a panic, soldiers who were lost or separated from their groups met the revolutionary agita that explained to them the true meaning of what is happening. In four days, the seemingly invincible military power was destroyed.
Kornilov was defeated, but Kerensky was defeated. The Bolshevik regime led thousands of workers and soldiers to break with the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries and defect to them. The Menshevik historian Sukhanov will later write: “After Kornilov’s speech, Bolshevism began to flourish everywhere and take root throughout the country” …
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