In Uruguay there is a center-left party alliance Broad face (FA) the presidential election in the runoff 49.8 percent to 45.9 percent decide for themselves. In the general election year of 2024, this positive story is rare. But why should elections be a matter of interest in a small country in the south of Latin America, which has as many inhabitants as Berlin?
In the midst of the much-publicized crisis of democracy and the global triumph of right-wing extremists, it can be helpful to learn from other people’s elections. Given the global crisis of democracy and the rise of far-right forces, a look at Uruguay’s political landscape offers valuable lessons. In a highly polarized region, Uruguay has long been a model of democracy – a country where the rule of law works and political debate takes place without drawing on hatred.
death Broad face one of the last popular left wing parties in the subcontinent. “Party” isn’t the right term: it’s an alliance 30 parties and movements that range ideologically from the Communist Party to the Christian Socialists. Since 53 years This broad, permanent coalition can be held behind a common programme (“diversity in ideology, unity in programme”) that is able to reach a consensus and be able to act. Long before the fragmentation of the party spectrum around the world, the left-wing forces in Uruguay realized that it was better not to start looking for programme alliances until after the elections.
In 2004, the FA succeeded for the first time in breaking the interaction between conservatives and liberals with a left-wing alternative. 15 years (2005 to 2020). During this time, abortion, cannabis and same-sex marriage were not only legalized, but precarious employment was significantly reduced and public services in the areas of health and education were expanded. The energy matrix was completely converted to renewable energy and a progressive tax reform was implemented. Reference was made in the region to innovative concepts for a public care system. In the third term of government, when fundamental reforms were needed and money was becoming scarcer, the air ran out. In 2019, the left-wing coalition almost lost the elections. So how was the “rebirth” achieved? Four lessons we can learn from the FA’s success:
First: There is a party and a dialog with the community. When the FA joined the opposition, they licked their wounds for a while and then thought of the members on the ground in their original parties, but also as local FA groups active and well organized. Under the slogan FA listens to you (“The FA is listening to you”), the party leadership discussed assessments and priorities across the country with supporters, but also with opponents, associations and movements, which were played back in another round of debates and incorporated into the 2024 electoral programme. . In the general election the FA in the Senate accepted an increase of 13 16 seats (from 30) the majority. There was a deadlock in the House of Representatives: the party tipped the scales between the FA and the conservative wings with two MPs. Sovereign Identity be, a new identity party. However, the FA was able to increase the number of seats sixfold, thanks mainly to candidates from rural provinces winning seats there for the first time.
The result was a strong, complementary and equal duo that united the two largest parties in the coalition.
Second: You negotiate alliances in advance – and stick to decisions. In the party’s internal primaries - as well as insignificant candidates – the two strongest representatives of the party appeared FA parties against each other: Carolina Cossethe governor of the capital and the candidate of the Communist Party, as well as YOrsi amendmentGovernor of the Province of Canelones and Representative of the Popular Participation Movement (MPP), which comes from the former guerrilla movement Tupamaros advanced and the former president
In contrast, the conservative coalition failed National Partywhich arises from it five parties from neoliberal to ultra-right, due to lack of experience and discipline. Despite the clear need for a common strategy – the National Party only achieved 27 percent – members of the coalition fell out without hope, both in the government and in the election campaign.
Third: A clear line is needed. According to opinion polls, a clear electoral victory for the FA was expected in the first round, so the results were a heavy blow: the coalition parties were unable to achieve a clear majority and there was a runoff vote. It was in the internal primary schools Yamandú Orsiwhich suggests a more central interpretation of the common FA programme and he has good contacts with farmers and agri-entrepreneurs, clearly ahead of the left wing party Carolina Cosse situated. She pulled away from that forehead the conclusion that in the middle of an election Catch Alljobs would result in victory. The candidate should not commit himself and should appear in the media so often. This and the simultaneous referendum on government pension reform, which led to divisions in the FA and the trade union umbrella PIT-CNT caused the disappointing result to be explained.
Fourth, elections mean offering real choices. The FA went into the elections with a comprehensive programme that reflects values such as participation, inclusion and social justice. However, how these goals were actually achieved was a matter of interpretation and was often only vaguely communicated during the election campaign. The FA presidential candidate was still unclear, especially in key areas such as the economic model and public security. It was only after the unexpectedly poor performance in the first round of elections that the coalition changed its strategy: Yamandú Orsi it became more prominent during many media appearances and brought more programmatic clarity to the campaign.
In the run-off election, however, there was less enthusiasm for the FA than the rejection of the alternative which played a decisive role. The ruling coalition was missing a head of cabinet Alvaro Delgado determined candidate. Holder Luis Lacalle Pouthat his government’s conflicts and corruption scandals did not greatly affect his popularity, he would probably be re-elected if the Uruguayan Constitution allowed direct re-election. The 51 years old A prominent presidential family scion is likely to use the next five years as opposition to prepare his return to the head of state.
There are no ideological ricochets in Uruguay (yet). People insist (with nuances) on democratic institutions, they mention responsibility for their existence and multilateralism. Catch All-Jobs could be helpful in winning elections. To govern in party coalitions, clear statements and agreements and a recognizable profile are needed. The impasse in the House of Representatives will require both negotiation and firewall skills. Whatever and how Yamandú Orsi The fact that his government will be able to achieve this profile and produce results with a progressive signature will be seen with the formation of the cabinet and the first steps. The party alliance Broad face However, it is now expected that the work of the government will not be placed above the work of the parties and that the dialog with the referendum will not be lost, which the opposition has succeeded in once again.
How can other countries apply Uruguay’s coalition politics to improve their own electoral strategies?
Interview between Time.news Editor and Political Expert
Time.news Editor: Welcome to our special segment where we delve into pressing political issues around the world. Today, we’re focusing on the recent presidential elections in Uruguay, which have garnered attention not just locally but globally. Joining me is Dr. Maria Gonzalez, a political scientist and expert on Latin American politics. Thank you for being here, Dr. Gonzalez.
Dr. Maria Gonzalez: Thank you for having me! It’s a pleasure to discuss Uruguayan politics, especially in such a critical global context.
Editor: Let’s dive right in. The Broad Front (FA) has been a significant political player in Uruguay. With their recent success in the elections, what key factors contributed to their strong performance?
Dr. Gonzalez: Absolutely. One of the most critical elements was their ability to maintain a coalition of diverse ideologies over the years. The FA is not just a single party; it’s an alliance of around 30 parties and movements that historically have included everyone from Communists to Christian Democrats. This ‘unity in diversity’ approach has allowed them to build consensus and effectively mobilize support.
Editor: Interesting. You mentioned their coalition-building strengths. Can you elaborate on how this has impacted their relationship with constituents?
Dr. Gonzalez: Certainly! The slogan “FA listens to you” exemplifies their grassroots approach. Even after facing setbacks in past elections, they prioritized engaging with community members, incorporating their feedback into discussions on policy. This dialog has revitalized their political agenda and energized their base, which was integral in the recent runoff.
Editor: That leads us to the importance of alliances. You highlighted that the FA had negotiated alliances beforehand, unlike the opposition. How did this play out in the elections?
Dr. Gonzalez: The FA was strategic in their internal primaries and unified in their decision-making, which allowed them to present a cohesive front. In contrast, the conservative coalition, the National Party, struggled with internal conflicts and a lack of a unified strategy. This fragmentation was detrimental to their performance, resulting in a mere 27% share of the vote.
Editor: And what about the clarity of the FA’s message? You mentioned they faced challenges with communicating their policies. How did this impact their electoral success?
Dr. Gonzalez: Indeed, clarity was an issue initially. As the first round of elections revealed, they needed to sharpen their messaging and present a coherent economic model and stance on public security. It was in the wake of their underwhelming results that candidate Yamandú Orsi stepped up, bringing more focus and visibility to the campaign. His ability to connect with different sectors, especially rural voters, significantly bolstered their appeal.
Editor: Was the outcome of the election more about the support for the FA, or was it a reaction against the alternatives?
Dr. Gonzalez: This is a nuanced point. While the FA did have a strong program that resonated with many voters, much of their success in the runoff stemmed from a strategic rejection of the alternatives presented by the conservative coalition. Many voters were not just choosing the FA; they were also opting against what they deemed a regressive choice.
Editor: With such a politically polarized environment globally, what lessons can other countries learn from Uruguay’s experience in this election cycle?
Dr. Gonzalez: Uruguay’s approach demonstrates the importance of coalition politics, active engagement with the electorate, and the need for clear messaging. Countries facing the rise of extremism and populism may benefit from fostering inclusive political environments that prioritize dialog, understanding diverse community interests, and presenting clear, actionable programs to the electorate.
Editor: Thank you, Dr. Gonzalez, for sharing your insights. It’s evident that despite the challenges within democracy on a global scale, Uruguay’s recent elections underline the principle of dialog and unity in political strategies.
Dr. Gonzalez: It was my pleasure! These lessons are indeed crucial as we navigate an increasingly complex political landscape.
Editor: Thank you for tuning in. Stay with us for more discussions on global politics and emerging trends.