2024-09-12 00:00:00
The figure of the Tucumán hero has never been controversial, so much so that President Perón himself – who was a history professor – named one of the railway lines expropriated from the English as JA Roca. The questions arose to review the historical role of Hispanic colonization, which was classified as genocide, a quality that was later extended to Roca’s campaign towards the south of the country. After achieving the national union, the peace of the country and the fratricidal war in Paraguay, the Creole elite considered the integration of the national territory in what was called “the desert.” There were different positions as to what should be done with the natural inhabitants of these vast territories; The most extreme positions held by the exiles under the command of Sarmiento directly stated that they were an inferior race that should be expelled. The prominent man from San Juan had xenophobic expressions typical of a grocery store drinker and was not really the up-and-coming thinker he was. Even the strongest Sarmiento people cannot defend or defend those sentences and they are like the bloody tunic of the centaur Nessus which covers with its weight the light of the immortal bronze of our first master. The rest of the elite considered incorporating these inhabitants by isolating them in the national life or by granting them some form of independence while respecting their tribal status. Law 215 of 1867 went in that direction, ordering that contracts must be signed with the indigenous communities, recognizing their ownership of their territories. In 1876, when the River Plate oligarchy became a hegemonic class, Law 817 was issued, which provided for the auction of the lands incorporated in the national sovereignty and from there the expropriation took place. The hero of Tucumán did not harbor any prejudice against the native peoples, so much so that one of his brothers was named Ataliva in honor of a chief who accompanied his father in the fights for Independence, but based on patriotic pragmatism he considered that he . it is not the time to face the oligarchy, a task he left anyway for future generations. For that matter, G. Washington did not speak out against slavery either, in fact he had slaves, both his own and his wife’s dowry. Many countries have had to face the same dilemma for their homogeneity. The Conquest of the West, the Louisiana land law in the United States or the bloody period of the Tudors at the end of the War of the Roses in England, a period that Marx described in “Capital” as the victory of the industrial bourgeoisie against. for the agrarian and pastoral bourgeoisie. And that sinister legacy continues because our anachronistic oligarchy is from time to time coming to the social group with its siren song, enchanted by the viceregal delirium of the successful factory to maintain its privileges in exchange for those, through a spillover effect, at fall on the rest of it. the hard-working population, leaving only on the road the lazy and obscure who, because of their own incompetence, are condemned to extinction. In order not to be carried away by the song of the tires, we will have to tie ourselves to the tree of the revolution. It is not a restorative revolution that puts YPF’s golden share on Yanquetruz as the owner of Vaca Muerta, nor Catriel, Cingoleo or Linares; a democratic, agrarian and anti-imperialist revolution that uses agricultural and mining revenues for national development and progress, without advantages or privileges inappropriate for a just and free country. Every revolution is an act of love, so we must open our hearts to establish a society based on Marx’s humanitarian principle “from each according to his ability, each according to his need.”
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