For a long time, supporters of Emmanuel Macron went to bed in a good mood. Delighting in the disintegration of the oppositions, welcoming the rallyings coming from the right and the left, measuring the shaking of the old parties. “The beam is still working, let it work”, summarized Edouard Philippe, in the fall of 2017. In June, after the legislative elections, it was the building of the presidential camp that was hit. Since then, it’s time for restoration.
Formerly a disparate bloc but united in admiration for the head of state, sometimes torn by a few debates but never faulted in the face of adversity, “macronism” is changing. Less vertical, more diffuse. The loss of the absolute majority in the National Assembly redefined its geography and instilled a dose of freedom at all levels. At the front in the Hemicycle, the deputies are empowered. The ministers launch tracks. Matignon pushes his pawns. And the Elysée is moving forward, without being followed all the time. “The center of balance of power has moved towards the National Assembly, it is undeniable. Everyone has more latitude, ministers, parliamentariansanalyzes David Amiel, Renaissance deputy (ex-La République en Marche, LRM) from Paris. Emmanuel Macron took note of this state of affairs. We can sue him for erasure, but if he intervened all the time, it would seem that he did not take the political situation into account. »
The President of the Republic has not disappeared, far from it. In a speech to the Presidential Press Association on Monday, September 12, he relaunched the pension reform. But it meets more resistance internally. His idea of having this text voted on at the end of the year, by integrating it into the Social Security financing bill (PLFSS), was very freshly welcomed by the boss of the MoDem, François Bayrou, the general delegate of LRM, Stanislas Guerini, and the president of Horizons, Edouard Philippe. Its National Council for Refoundation, launched in pain on September 8, was defended very weakly by the majority. And other debates escape him.
Because one of the highlights of this start of the five-year term is that the agenda is no longer dictated solely by the top of the pyramid. Some ministers manage to impose the tempo. Gérald Darmanin (interior) and Bruno Le Maire (economy) occupied the media space all summer. Without consulting Matignon or the Elysée, the minister delegate in charge of transport, Clément Beaune, proposed to regulate private jets. Emmanuel Macron reframed it during the back-to-school council of ministers on August 24. This did not prevent Mr. Beaune from repeating in front of the microphones of France 2, the next day: “We can think about systems. » Despite Bercy’s opposition and the Elysian dismissal, this buzz, according to some ministers, is still not over.
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