From Academic to Activist: The Transformation of Matt Goodwin and His Reform Party Bid
Meta Description: Explore the controversial journey of Matt Goodwin, from studying the far-right to becoming a Reform Party candidate, and the accusations of extremism that now follow him.
The autumn of 2011 found Dr. Matt Goodwin meticulously documenting the potential reach of the far-right in Tameside, a borough in east Manchester. The local council, recognizing the significance of his PhD research on the rise of the British National Party (BNP), commissioned him to investigate what Goodwin termed a “new British fascism” taking root in disaffected parts of northern England. Known for his ambition, Goodwin readily accepted the task, leveraging existing connections within the Conservative party – including hereditary peer James Bethell and Tim Montgomerie, founder of the influential ConservativeHome website – to launch a campaign asserting “there is nothing British about the BNP.”
Goodwin’s subsequent report for Tameside council pinpointed areas “most ‘at risk’ of far-right extremism, identifying factors driving this support. The analysis indicated that white neighborhoods bordering areas with high immigration were particularly vulnerable, as anxieties could be exploited by extremist groups. “The underlying logic is that citizens turn to the far right as part of an instrumental attempt to ‘defend’ their neighbourhood from threatening groups nearby, and to maintain its characteristics and demographic composition,” the report advised.
Fifteen years later, Goodwin’s focus has returned to Tameside, this time as the Reform Party candidate in the upcoming byelection for Gorton and Denton. However, many now view Goodwin himself as the source of extremism. A recent post on his Substack platform echoed the rhetoric of former President Trump, declaring that “Europe is facing ‘civilisational erasure’,” lamenting that cities like Paris, Brussels, and London are “not the cities I once knew.”
In a recent podcast appearance, Goodwin predicted that “2063 is the year in which white Britons become a minority in the country,” suggesting that a child born today would likely be a minority among their peers by age 25. He further asserted that “more diverse societies are also less trusting societies.”
Few who knew Goodwin during the early stages of his academic career anticipated this dramatic shift. A source within the Reform Party maintains that he is simply highlighting the consequences of “a policy of mass uncontrolled immigration which nobody voted for.” Yet, colleagues suggest there were earlier indicators of this ideological trajectory.
Those who knew him at the University of Manchester described Goodwin as someone who “loved to be the centre of attention,” eagerly engaging with anyone willing to listen. He earned the nickname “Two Jacks” after impulsively revealing his poker hand during a casino night with colleagues. His PhD research on the BNP, completed at the University of Bath, was lauded as a “really quite a brave project,” requiring deep engagement with potentially dangerous activists.
Among those Goodwin interviewed for his book, New British Fascism: Rise of the British National Party, was Eddy Butler, a senior BNP figure who spearheaded the “Rights for Whites” campaign. Butler, in a 2011 blog post reviewing Goodwin’s work, speculated that the academic possessed “an element of empathy with the aims if not the means by which organised nationalism has gone about realising these aims,” even suggesting a possible “Stockholm syndrome effect” from the extensive interviews. A Reform source dismissed these comments, arguing that similar critiques could be leveled against activists associated with the Green or Labour parties.
Goodwin also demonstrated a talent for eliciting information from key political figures. He co-authored Revolt on the Right with Robert Ford, a friend from Manchester, revealing that the UK Independence Party (Ukip) executive committee had considered a pact with the BNP in 2008. At the book’s launch at Chatham House, Goodwin strategically positioned Nigel Farage alongside him on stage, reportedly excluding Ford from the panel due to his lack of affiliation with the institute – a decision attributed by a Goodwin ally to jealousy over his “impact and influence on the national debate.”
While exhibiting a degree of ruthlessness, Goodwin initially maintained connections with mainstream Conservatives. Ameet Gill, David Cameron’s director of strategy, invited him to Downing Street, and Sayeeda Warsi, then co-chair of the Conservative party, included him in a working group on anti-Muslim hatred. Warsi expressed shock at Goodwin’s subsequent transformation, noting that he once passionately voiced concerns about hostility towards Muslims, a sentiment now seemingly overshadowed by his association with figures like Steve Bannon and his assertion that “millions of British Muslims… hold views that are fundamentally opposed to British values and ways of life.”
“Matt talked passionately and deeply about his concerns about the rise of the far right; as passionately as he now talks about Muslims, he talked then about Islamophobes,” Warsi stated. Goodwin left Warsi’s advisory group in 2015, citing a lack of progress in tackling Islamophobia, while also expressing frustration over a rejected funding request of £5,000 for research.
Described by former colleagues as both a hard worker and obsessive, Goodwin reportedly struggled with criticism and rejection, contributing to a pattern of fractured relationships. His falling out with Ford stemmed from disagreements over Ukip’s electoral prospects, leading to concerns within academia by 2020 that Goodwin was becoming an activist. Tim Montgomerie, who has since joined Reform, once tweeted that there was “something sulphurous” about Goodwin, characterizing his views as “incendiary” and his self-obsession as “massive,” though he later retracted the comments.
Jonathan Portes, a former government economist and colleague at the UK in a Changing Europe thinktank, described a breakdown in their relationship following a public debate on immigration. “He went from being a Reform sympathiser to very explicit racism,” Portes asserted. Goodwin has countered these accusations, claiming he is being smeared for initiating a necessary debate. A Reform source dismissed Portes as a “deeply biased leftwing activist masquerading as an academic.”
Goodwin departed academia in the summer of 2024, accepting voluntary severance from the University of Kent. He now hosts a program on GB News and maintains a Substack account with 90,000 subscribers. His book Bad Education, which criticized “woke” ideas in British universities, was reportedly fueled by his unsuccessful attempts to secure prestigious academic positions. A source close to Goodwin dismissed this claim as “nonsense.”
“Matt has always talked about the dangers of hate and public intolerance in society,” a Reform spokesperson stated. “Throughout his academic career he has pointed to working class areas being left behind by globalisation, mass immigration and an unresponsive political class in Westminster.”
However, a former friend offered a more critical assessment: “I think ego is the best explanation of his journey. It’s vanity, he is very brittle and insecure. The one thing I can’t answer is how much of this is performative and how much sincere. But at a certain point it doesn’t matter when you are telling hateful people, hateful things.”
On Friday afternoon, Tommy Robinson, a former BNP member and far-right agitator, publicly endorsed Goodwin’s candidacy with a simple tweet: “Vote Matt.”
