2023-09-16 22:21:14
Fouad Abdelmoumni is a Moroccan economist and one of the kingdom’s most critical voices. He was director of the NGO Transparency Maroc, which fights against corruption, and a member of the Moroccan Human Rights Association. In this interview with elDiario.es, he reflects on the response by the Government of Morocco and King Mohamed VI to the strong earthquake that hit the Al Haouz area (in the Great Atlas Mountains) on the 8th and left almost 3,000 dead. and more than 5,000 injured, as well as the possible consequences that the handling of the crisis may have on the perception of Moroccan rulers inside and outside the country.
Criticism of the king and despair in Morocco in the face of the earthquake response: “Help takes time and every second is critical”
Further
How have the Government and the Royal Palace managed the earthquake?
In general, they have been mediocre. It cannot be said that they have not done anything, because many resources and personnel from the Army and other bodies are being deployed. It is not little, but it is far from being optimal, both due to the delay in deploying these means and the quality of their management; the ability to obtain the best [ayuda] of all the actors who want to intervene and offered their contribution; and communication, for a State that invests so much in management and information systems, and spying on people.
The tactical management of the crisis is the result of the vision of how to develop and structure the country. The most important thing, in my opinion, is to question, once again, that development model in which all the country’s media goes to a happy few, to the Army and the security forces, and to [dar] the image of a rich country: roads, airports, high-speed trains… Meanwhile, it abandons 80% of the population, who are poor, unemployed and who have to fight to get the basics: housing, education, healthcare, employment, etc.
Of course, no country can develop in the same way and at the same speed in all areas. But there are minimum quality of life requirements that must be applied in all communities and regions, and in the area [afectada por el terremoto] They lacked all the basics.
Is this lack due to lack of means or political will?
The lack of means is the result of the lack of political will. The rich are hoarding all the wealth of the country; then the Army, because we are competing with Algeria – which is investing a lot of money in its Army – and, therefore, more than 5% of the country’s GDP is for the Army. And all development projects benefit only 10% of the population and are aimed at the rich and foreigners: the efforts being made to [mejorar] The highways, the airports, are so that those who come to Morocco say: ‘It is at the same level as Europe.’
If only a third of the active population has job opportunities, you are not a rich country! Only a quarter of that third has the minimum conditions for decent employment. You cannot expect to offer the minimum standards of quality of life for everyone, when the economy and society are in these conditions.
Has the earthquake exposed the priorities and weaknesses of the Moroccan regime?
This has been exposed for decades (…) but it takes a long time, people are increasingly aware of what is happening and are expressing their anxiety to get rid of this situation; but at the same time this is a very slow process that does not depend only on one event [como el terremoto]. It is a daily struggle that Moroccan elites have to undertake and promote to reach the global conviction that we have to be serious when it comes to understanding our situation and taking responsibility to change it.
Has there been room for criticism about the earthquake in the media or public opinion?
The regime has subjugated all the independent media in Morocco, so all the media are doing propaganda for the regime. Alternative information comes from international media and social networks. On social networks, we see that the vast majority think that things should be done differently but, in the meantime, a large operation is taking place to counteract [esa opinión] and it takes this form: ‘We are being attacked by foreign interests, especially France, and they do not respect our sovereignty or our ability, and they insult us because they question the king’s absence,’ among other things. Of course, they try not to focus on the absence of the king, but on other things such as who will recognize the Moroccan identity of the Sahara.
It is a strategy to create a feeling of chauvinism and xenophobia, and nationalism by saying that we are being attacked, specifically by Algeria and France, and therefore all criticism must be silenced.
Is that why humanitarian aid from France or Algeria has been rejected?
One of Morocco’s main problems for two decades is that it wants to be a great actor [internacional] and not be considered as a poor country that depends on others, therefore it has to be on the same level as its partners. The main message behind this rejection is: ‘We are not needy, we are not a failed State, we can manage our problems without depending on you’; and if many people die because of that pretension, it is not a problem. It is a risk they are willing to take.
If we had had, from the first day, a large number of actors helping us, I think we would have had many fewer victims from the earthquake.
For Morocco, is the perception of the country from outside very important?
It is key, because Morocco cannot live economically without great links with Western economies. It totally depends on the outside for anything, including the personal and economic interests of the rulers. All the insults and criticisms that we are hearing against France are not above the economic ties that the king and his head of government, his brothers and others have with France and its companies.
Can the management of the current crisis affect the Government and the king specifically?
I think this is a turning point in the perception of the West, from what I have seen in the media around the world, it is considered a crazy regime. But in Morocco things are not going so fast, people are increasingly questioning the behavior of the State and the Government, and this crisis helps to accelerate the process, but it is a slow process. There is not going to be a civil war tomorrow.
In 2011, it seemed like the end of the dictatorship, but two years later we were worse. In 2011, everyone [árabe] called for democracy, but in 2013 the Western powers accepted [el golpe de Estado en Egipto de Abdelfattah] Al Sisi, despite being a bloodthirsty dictator; and they accepted the Saudis after they murdered the [periodista Jamal] Khasshoggi, other dictators said: ‘Why do I have to consider making concessions?
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