2023-11-26 16:53:14
Mayoyo Fights Type-Type
Since the 2006 general elections, successive Congolese leaders have declared that they have built a democratic state. The current regime goes further by proclaiming the advent of the rule of law in Congo-Kinshasa. But when we compare the dictatorship of President Mobutu Sese Seko, who justified the start on April 24, 1990 of the country’s second democratization process, to the regimes of Joseph Kabila (2006-2018) or that of Félix Tshisekedi, from 2019 to this Today, we quickly realize that freedom of expression, which is often abused elsewhere, remains the only progress. However, in a democracy, freedom of expression is not an end in itself. It is a tool serving good governance. But the freedom of expression enjoyed by the Congolese resembles the posture of the dog when the caravan passes. The dog barks the trailer moves on. Sometimes, the caravan crushes the dog, as evidenced by arbitrary arrests and imprisonments as well as the assassinations of opponents. For the rest, and especially in terms of violation of human rights, predation and impunity, Congolese “democracy” has a more negative impact on the nation than the Mobutu dictatorship.
We believed we had reached the bottom of the abyss with the “regime of the mediocre” embodied by Joseph Kabila, says Mgr Laurent Monsengwo Pasinya. But that was without taking into account that an opposition a little over three decades old could turn out to be even worse. This is the face of the regime of the “strikers or enjoyers”, according to Congolese black humor, embodied by Félix Tshisekedi who inherited the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), a political party founded on February 15, 1982 by Etienne Tshisekedi, Marcel Lihau and others but of which Tshisekedi father will become the sole owner.
The failure of the second democratization process in Congo-Kinshasa was predictable. But the owners of the political parties or, better, “ligablo” did not see it coming. No more than the country’s intellectual elites. Because the nation has not thought about democracy. As in 1960. If we asked the twenty-six candidates vying for the presidential election next December why democracy does not work, each one will undoubtedly spout nonsense, pointing the finger at Kabila and Tshisekedi and puffing out their chests only with him. or she at the top of the State, everything would be fine in the best of all possible worlds, thus ignoring the inadequacy between the copied democratic model and African realities including history, culture and, above all, the plural nature of the social fabrics of the States. However, Western democracy which we copy at all costs, in a blind, stupid or servile manner even when it visibly destroys African States, is not the only horizon of our time. This means that in terms of democratic governance, we can expect nothing from the twenty-six candidates in the next presidential election in Congo-Kinshasa. However, we can limit the damage.
When we consider the errors of the Congolese nation in matters of governance since independence, we can be pleased that the vagaries of history have imposed on the country, as if by a miracle, a rotating presidency following the alphabetical order of its four zones. linguistics: Joseph Kasa-Vubu (Kikongo), Mobutu Sese Seko (Lingala), Laurent-Désiré Kabila and Joseph Kabila (Swahili) and Félix Tshisekedi (Tshiluba). In this multi-ethnic nation, tribal-regional favoritism has always been present in the management of the State. Because, to date, the Congolese have never found a remedy for this scourge, although it is clearly denounced in the preamble to the current Constitution. But the accession to power of Luba-Kasaïen Félix Tshisekedi has brought outrageous tribal-regional favoritism to the nation. For the first time, voices are being raised within an ethnic group, their own, to proclaim loud and clear that Congolese state power is the power of an ethnic group. And they are not reframed by the power in place. Don’t we say he who says nothing consents? Levity, rudeness, insanities, insults and public threats, including from the presidential mouth itself, are trivialized to the point of being considered as a way of managing the State. A great first in the history of Africa, national unity and cohesion are thus undermined not by the opponents, but by the power in place.
In light of the above, the Congolese whose shaky political system offers no effective counter-power to the power of the supreme magistrate have no other choice than to take advantage of the next presidential election to put Félix Tshisekedi out of office. state of further harm to the nation. But the election will be in one round. Furthermore, Tshisekedi, who did not win the 2018 presidential election and whose record is largely negative, can only repeat his cheating to succeed himself. In this regard, he placed his ethnic brothers in all decision-making bodies of the electoral process. Worse, less than thirty days before the election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) deliberately refuses to publish the voters’ lists while millions of them do not have reliable cards. By presenting himself against a divided opposition, Tshisekedi’s “victory”, through a new betrayal, will be easily recognized to the extent that outgoing presidents have almost always won the vote in Africa. This is where the position of one of the opponents becomes interesting to scrutinize.
I have sympathy for candidate Martin Fayulu. Not because he is from my province of origin and my ethnicity, but for two other reasons. First, he was the victim of an electoral hold-up orchestrated by the Kabila-Tshisekedi tandem in 2018. Every human being who loves justice should wish for his victory in 2023. Then, his intellectual and professional profile is one of the best.
But in 2018, Fayulu was not acclaimed for his political offer. Because, as long as we have not resolved the problem that multi-ethnicity poses to the State, the African man will vote man rather than political offer. He was acclaimed in his capacity as the sole opposition candidate in a political environment marked by fed up with Joseph Kabila’s “regime of the mediocre”. He was the sole opposition candidate not because his “ligablo” was the greatest, but because he was the lowest common denominator likely to respect a secret deal, namely to organize inclusive elections two years later; which damages his image as a clean man, because such a scenario would have been contrary to the Constitution.
Today, the pre-election situation is both different and similar. Different because two opponents unfairly excluded from the race for the presidential chair by the de facto monarch Joseph Kabila in 2018, Jean-Pierre Bemba and Moise Katumbi who apparently have “ligablo” greater than that of Fayulu, are in the race. The first by lining up behind the outgoing president, that is to say in the camp opposite to that of Fayulu, and the second by being one of the latter’s challengers. Certainly, in this context, Fayulu will undoubtedly be popular in its natural stronghold of Kwilu. He will also pick up votes elsewhere following the big name he was lucky enough to make in 2018. But will that be enough to secure victory? Nothing is less sure!
The current political situation is similar to that of 2018. The Congolese’s fed up with the “regime of the hitters or enjoyers” is matched only by their indignation against the “regime of the mediocre” of yesterday. We could even say that their revolt is greater. Just as the de facto monarch of 2018 could not organize transparent elections, his successor, whose management of the state is more chaotic, planned the cheating well.
Today as yesterday, the opposition has an interest in lining up a common candidate to foil the trap of the new monarch. Two criteria are required to achieve such a result. Have the largest “ligablo” and an internal and, above all, external network capable of making enough noise to stop the maneuvers of Tshisekedi and his gang of profiteers in the event of their fraud being forced through. Moise Katumbi is undoubtedly the one who best combines these two criteria. Some candidates understood this. But this is not (yet) the case of Martin Fayulu whose contribution would contribute to a clear victory for Katumbi.
Fayulu and his supporters are making a mistake by putting forward other criteria that would be advantageous to him as a common opposition candidate. When they mention, for example, Fayulu’s clean hands, as opposed to Katumbi’s so-called dirty hands, they should know that Fayulu has neither clean nor dirty hands until he has yet exercised as high state functions as Katumbi who was governor of the rich province of Katanga. You should not compare things that are not comparable.
By wanting to lock himself in his certainties or by behaving like a refusenik while the pre-electoral situation invites him to quickly join Katumbi to whom he would thus return the favor, Fayulu will condemn the Kwilu to a useless vote which would not serve any purpose. neither his interest nor that of the nation. His supporters should make him listen to reason rather than encouraging him on the current suicidal path, going so far as to consider Moise Katumbi as their favorite target on social networks. The target to be killed in the secrecy of the voting booth is the patented tribalist Félix Tshisekedi, the president with a thousand and one unkept promises, with easy insults and overflowing enjoyment while his people are massacred on a daily basis the East of the country by his ex-friend and brother, the Swastika of the tropics.
Mayoyo Fights Type-Type
Writer & International Civil Servant
Happy
0
0 %
Sad
0
0 %
Excited
0
0 %
Sleepy
0
0 %
Angry
0
0 %
Surprise
0
0 %
#reading #position #candidate #Fayulu #Congo #Independent