Paolo Cirino Pomicino, a physician by training and a central figure in Italy’s decades-long Christian Democratic (DC) dominance, died in Rome at the age of 86. Often described as a “political fantasist,” Cirino Pomicino was a master of navigating the complex internal currents of the DC, a party that shaped Italian politics for nearly half a century. His career, spanning from the halls of Parliament to the scrutiny of the Tangentopoli corruption investigations, offers a revealing glimpse into the inner workings of Italian power during a tumultuous era.
Cirino Pomicino’s political maneuvering wasn’t born of ideology, but of a pragmatic understanding of power dynamics. He wasn’t a firebrand or a policy visionary; he was a broker, a negotiator, and, as some contemporaries wryly observed, a political psychiatrist – though one, as former President Francesco Cossiga joked, of “limited fortune” when it came to managing the state’s finances. This ability to read and influence the ambitions of others made him a uniquely powerful, and often underestimated, player in Italian politics. Understanding the history of Christian Democracy is crucial to understanding Cirino Pomicino’s role.
Born in 1936, Cirino Pomicino initially pursued a career in medicine, earning a degree in neurology. He often joked that he could have treated Cossiga, a pointed reference to the former president’s sometimes erratic behavior. However, his true calling lay in politics. He quickly rose through the ranks of the DC, becoming a key figure in the party’s internal factions. In 1968, he broke away from the “dorotei” current, led by Amintore Fanfani, to form “Amici dell’onorevole Moro” – Friends of Aldo Moro – a group that reflected his close relationship with the influential politician. Later, he would orchestrate the creation of “Amici dell’onorevole Andreotti,” demonstrating his talent for building and leveraging personal loyalty within the party structure.
A Master of Behind-the-Scenes Politics
Cirino Pomicino’s influence wasn’t always visible. He preferred to operate behind the scenes, pulling strings and brokering deals. This approach was particularly evident during the 1992 presidential election. Following a period of political upheaval and the early tremors of the Tangentopoli corruption scandal, Cirino Pomicino quietly campaigned for then-Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti to succeed President Francesco Cossiga. The move was audacious – a direct transfer of power from the executive to the presidency – and initially dismissed by Andreotti himself. Yet, Cirino Pomicino persisted, believing he could overcome the skepticism and secure the presidency for his ally.
When the DC’s initial candidate, party secretary Arnaldo Forlani, faltered in the parliamentary vote – lacking approximately forty votes in the first round and ten in the second – Cirino Pomicino continued to push for Andreotti. This maneuver surprised Bettino Craxi, the leader of the Socialist Party, who had hoped to rally support for a different candidate. Forlani ultimately withdrew, reportedly recognizing Cirino Pomicino’s active opposition. The subsequent vote was ultimately decided by a sense of “institutional spirit,” leading to the election of Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, the President of the Senate, a result Cirino Pomicino reportedly opposed, believing the incumbent Prime Minister should have been considered.
Tangentopoli and the “Geronimo” Defense
The Tangentopoli investigations, which exposed widespread corruption within Italian politics and business, would eventually ensnare Cirino Pomicino. He faced a staggering 43 separate legal proceedings, stemming from allegations of illicit funding and bribery. Despite the intense scrutiny, he maintained his defiant spirit, even undergoing a heart transplant during this period. He famously defended himself and his colleagues, adopting the pseudonym “Geronimo” to write articles for Il Giornale, then edited by Vittorio Feltri, fiercely defending the DC against accusations of systemic corruption. According to reports, everyone knew who “Geronimo” was, but Cirino Pomicino enjoyed the game of plausible deniability.
Of those 43 cases, Cirino Pomicino was convicted in only one and a half, the latter being a plea bargain. He consistently maintained his innocence, arguing that the charges were politically motivated and that the financial practices of his era were no worse than those of his successors. He even joked about his own funeral, imagining being eulogized by Antonio Di Pietro, the anti-corruption magistrate who spearheaded the Tangentopoli investigations. Di Pietro, he claimed, had confided in him during a hospital visit that he had always voted for the DC before the party’s self-destruction.
A Legacy of Political Intrigue
Cirino Pomicino’s life was a testament to the complexities and contradictions of Italian politics. He was a man who thrived in a system built on personal relationships, factionalism, and behind-the-scenes maneuvering. While his methods were often criticized, his influence was undeniable. He represented a style of politics that has largely disappeared from the Italian landscape, a world of backroom deals and intricate alliances. His passing marks the end of an era.
The Italian political landscape continues to evolve, with ongoing debates about electoral reform and the fight against corruption. The legacy of figures like Cirino Pomicino serves as a reminder of the challenges facing Italian democracy and the demand for transparency and accountability. The next significant event will be the ongoing parliamentary discussions regarding potential reforms to the justice system, a topic Cirino Pomicino himself engaged with throughout his career.
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