Peru outlaws two movements to prevent terrorists and extremists in 2026 elections

Almost a year and ‌a half before the next presidential elections‌ in 2026, the Peruvian ⁣political landscape appears increasingly confused, with more than 30 parties allowed to present candidates, which⁤ worries public opinion which feels less and less represented, especially in the face of The emergence of extremist movements and ​parties, some of which ​even appear in polls on voting intentions.

However, the Peruvian Justice seems to have ​resisted ⁤these groups and political movements due to their extreme positions and above all their demonstrated relationship with terrorism. One piece of news that all of‌ Peru ⁢is celebrating is the dissolution ⁤of the Movement for amnesty and fundamental rights (Movadef), political​ arm of the Sendero Luminoso terrorist ⁣group, primarily responsible for the deaths of over ⁣70,000 people during the war on terrorism in the 1980s and 1990s. Its members follow the cowardly and⁣ murderous positions of the late terrorist leader ​Abimael⁣ Guzmán and have tried to do so. capture more members in the country.

The Judiciary thus reported⁣ the sentence of ‌dissolution⁤ of the movement, in addition to the closure and definitive closure of all premises⁣ on the national territory. In a sentence that inflicts ⁣35 years in prison on Elena Iparraguirre – terrorist leader and wife of Guzmán – and on other important exponents of terrorism such as Florindo⁢ Flores, alias “Compagno Artemio”, Osman Morote, María Pantoja, Margot Liendo and Victoria Trujillo, yes law that “to protect and prevent Movadef from requesting registration again, prevent him‌ from continuing⁢ to carry ⁢out proselytizing activities in favor of Via Luminosa, (…) ‍avoid the ideologicalization of the Communist Party ​of Peru of Via Luminosa and because its establishment had illicit origins, the dissolution of Movadef must be ordered.”

Party with presence in the polls

Another decision taken in‍ recent days was the illegalization of the party National Alliance of Workers, Farmers, University Students, Reservists ⁢and Workers (ANTAURUS), led by Antauro​ doesn’t care ⁢-brother ⁢of Olanta Humalapresident of Peru from 2011 to 2016 -, and who was released from prison two‌ years ago after having served 17 years in prison for the crimes of simple murder, kidnapping, aggravated damage, theft or ⁣seizure⁣ of⁢ a firearm and rebellion, for ⁤the ‍his participation in the so-called “Andahuaylazo”, a revolt that occurred in southern Peru against Alessandro Toledo (2001-2006), recently sentenced to 20 years in⁢ prison for corruption.

This⁣ week, the Permanent Chamber of Constitutional and Social Law‍ of the Supreme Court ​voted by a majority in favor of illegalizing the party, accepting the fiscal argument that the party has ‌a “violent and hateful mind.” In ⁣fact, the former soldier was also reported last year for allegedly supporting terrorism by⁣ praising the Sendero Luminoso terrorists. He then said that “the best thing the left⁣ has given, from Pizarro until today, as a political party, was the Via Luminosa and let me record, damn it. It was the Via Luminosa, it had the ideology, it had leadership and it had martyrology ‌.”

The ANTAURO party has been present on the journalistic agenda in recent months, above ‍all due to its popularity in some regions of⁢ the country. In a poll ⁢published early last week by the newspaper Perú 21, Keiko Fujimori leads the ⁤preferences with 12%, followed by Antauro doesn’t care with 8%, the comedian Carlos Álvarez and the Francesco Sagastiwho served⁤ as interim president between November 2020 and July 2021, with 4%. With​ the banning⁤ of Humala’s party, a decision that will have to be​ ratified in ‌the second instance, some data could change.

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Interview Between Time.news​ Editor and Political Expert on Peru’s Current Political Landscape

Time.news Editor (TNE): Welcome, everyone, to our discussion today. With us is Dr. ‍Mariana ​Torres, a ‍political analyst specializing in Latin American politics.​ As we approach⁣ the 2026 presidential elections in Peru, many are concerned about ⁢the fragmentation of the political landscape. Dr. Torres, can ‌you‌ give us an overview of the current situation in ⁤Peru?

Dr. Mariana‌ Torres (MT): Thank you for having me. The Peruvian ⁤political scene is indeed in a⁣ state of flux.‌ With over 30 political parties having‍ the opportunity to present candidates,⁢ voters‍ are feeling increasingly confused and underrepresented. The rise ‌of extreme parties has not only complicated electoral dynamics but has also raised alarm about their ideologies and potential⁢ threats to democracy.

TNE: You mentioned the rise of extremists.⁢ Recently,⁣ there has been notable media‍ coverage regarding the dissolution of the Movement for Amnesty and Fundamental Rights, known as ​Movadef. How significant ‍is⁤ this development‌ for ⁢Peru?

MT: The dissolution of Movadef is a landmark decision. This ‍group is linked ⁤with Sendero Luminoso, ‌a notorious terrorist organization responsible for the deaths of⁢ over 70,000 people during the internal conflict in the 1980s and⁣ 90s. By dissolving ⁤Movadef, the judiciary is sending a clear message: that extremist violence and ideologies have no place in Peru’s political discourse. The sentences given to its leaders, including 35 years for Elena Iparraguirre, underscore the seriousness with which ⁣the government ​is approaching the issue of terrorism and radical political​ movements.

TNE: That’s quite insightful. The public’s perception of these extremist movements clearly plays a role in‍ how they​ view their political‌ options. How are the recent judicial ‍actions impacting public confidence?

MT: The judiciary’s actions, especially regarding Movadef and the illegalization of ANTaurus, aim to rebuild public trust in the system. Many Peruvians are wary‍ of parties that ⁣espouse hateful and violent rhetoric. These recent legal decisions can be seen as efforts to protect democratic values and⁢ prevent​ the ideological spread of groups tied to terrorism. ⁢However, whether this significantly boosts public confidence remains to be seen, as the ‌political landscape remains quite fractured.

TNE: Speaking of ANTaurus, its leader Antauro Humala ‍has a controversial past. His party’s⁣ illegalization highlights a‌ broader⁤ trend of discontent with traditional political structures. How do you view this trend?

MT: Antauro Humala’s case is indeed⁣ illustrative of a broader disillusionment with Peru’s political institutions. After serving 17 years in⁤ prison and still garnishing support, ‌his ability to resonate with voters shows a growing appetite for alternatives that challenge the status quo. The mentality​ of “hating on the establishment” is ⁤common‍ in many ⁤countries‍ facing economic ⁣and‍ social challenges.‍ However, ANTaurus ​has been deemed too extreme,‌ further complicating⁣ the political spectrum.

TNE: What implications⁢ do you foresee for ⁣the 2026 elections⁣ given this volatile backdrop?

MT: The 2026 elections will likely be‍ characterized by uncertainty. Voters are grappling with feelings of ‌disenfranchisement, and extreme parties ⁢may still gain traction, even ​if they are illegalized or dissolved. The ⁣electorate will be seeking candidates who can address their concerns ‌without resorting‍ to the ideologies ‍espoused by groups like Movadef or ANTaurus. Strong leadership that can navigate this complexity and rebuild ​confidence will be paramount.

TNE: Dr. Torres, thank you for your valuable insights into Peru’s political climate. As we observe these⁢ developments leading up to the 2026‌ elections, it will certainly be interesting to see how​ the ⁤parties and the public respond.

MT: ⁣Thank ‍you for⁤ having me. The ⁣next few years will be critical for Peru, and I appreciate the opportunity to ⁣discuss these important issues.

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