The terrible repression does not seem to dampen the anger of the Iranians. Since September 16 and the death of Mahsa Amini, arrested for an ill-fitting veil, thousands of people have taken to the streets every evening and confronted the police. A real social revolt against the regime, whose repression has already killed more than fifty people.
This movement of Iranian anger is unlike any other: it occurs in a context of multiple crises, with unprecedented social demands from women and young people. Annabelle Sreberny, professor emeritus at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, has lived in Iran and studies social movements there, as well as the determining role played by inequalities between men and women. For L’Express, she analyzes this turning point experienced by Iranian society.
L’Express: Since the death of the young Mahsa Amini, anger erupts against the compulsory veil and the morality police.Is such a movement unique in Iran??
Limited offer. 2 months for 1€ without commitment
Annabelle Sreberny : Women’s rights are a regular catalyst for Iranian anger, and that anger is erupting at a time of great economic and political frustration. This move can be the start of something big.
Women’s rights issues have been bubbling in Iran since the beginning of the Islamic Republic in 1979 and have only grown in importance. Over the past ten years, the feminist movement has structured itself and organized many campaigns: that of the million signatures against the hijab, that of the “white veils” [NDLR : portés par les femmes les mercredis pour protester contre le voile obligatoire]the one for women to have access to football matches, the “My Stealthy Freedom” campaign launched by Masih Alinejad [NDLR : pour que les Iraniennes posent sans voile sur les réseaux sociaux]…
Why the special case of Mahsa Aminicause such a reaction?
Iran is suffering from several simultaneous major crises. A huge environmental crisis, with a catastrophic lack of water that caused the drying up of Lake Urmia or the river of Isfahan. Iran is also going through a terrible economic crisis, with inflation at 50% and food prices soaring… A political crisis of course, with the people demanding more rights and democracy. And finally, a cultural crisis. The younger generations want to play music, dance, enjoy life, including in their private sphere. When such a tragedy occurs, a young woman killed by the regime for an ill-fitting veil, all these crises overlap and provoke the anger of a people against those who oppress them.
Having come to power a year ago, has President Ebrahim Raïssi toughened up the regime?
Raïssi indeed follows an ultra-conservative line, very hard against individual rights. But from its inception, the objective of the Islamic Republic has been to preserve Iran’s original culture, maintain its autonomy and defend itself against alleged cultural invasion. Women’s rights have always been portrayed as Western interference, and Raisi continues to use this discourse against women.
A photo obtained by AFP on September 21, 2022 shows protesters taking to the streets of the capital Tehran during a demonstration for Mahsa Amini
afp.com/-
Is the compulsory wearing of the veil considered a pillar of the Islamic Republic?
It looks good, yes. It is becoming incredibly difficult to understand why the regime is not letting up when there is strong popular demand to lighten the rules. In recent years, women have relaxed their wearing of the hijab, or even stopped wearing it, without the system collapsing.
Women are an easy target for the regime, but they were probably wrong this time, as there are other problems plaguing the population. This movement brings out a paradox: more and more Iranian women are working, even if certain posts remain forbidden to them, such as that of judge. Women’s work in Iran has been a reality since the Iran-Iraq war [NDLR : 1980-1988]when families needed two salaries.
Even today, as witnesses, two women are equal to one man, while Iranian women receive a high level of education: often, universities are 60% female, including in fields that the West considers male. , such as engineering schools or mathematics. The Islamic Republic is stuck in this contradiction of educating women and making them work, without giving in to their demands for more rights.
The morality police, held responsible for the death of Mahsa Amini, are at the heart of the criticism and the anger of the demonstrators. Is a reform of this institution possible?
This will depend on Raisi’s political will and an evolution remains unlikely. But if this movement grows… Iranians are not afraid and they need a political catalyst to take to the streets. During its 44 years, the Islamic Republic has experienced many moments of political upheaval. The crackdown may only bring more people to the streets.
Everything depends on the political decisions of Raisi and his government. Iran maintains the appearance of democratic procedures, with elections. If Raisi is perceived as being so repressive in the face of popular demands, he could well lose power in the next elections.
What could a victory look like for the protesters?
It is above all a question of pushing the discourse of equal rights to its maximum. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic remains very patriarchal and men enjoy more rights, whether for divorce or custody of children. The Islamic Republic has lowered the legal age of marriage [NDLR : 13 ans pour les filles, 15 ans pour les garçons]. This movement calls for citizenship with more equal rights between genders, which goes far beyond the hijab.
The Islamic Republic has made the work of trade unions almost impossible. It has made the work of political parties almost impossible. The press is under control, the filmmakers are under control. It is very, very difficult for a pro-democracy voice to be heard. So when such an event occurs, all political demands crystallize around the issue of the veil.
Internet access has been cut off almost entirely in Iran, as have WhatsApp and Instagram apps. How are we going to know what is happening in the country?
Iranians are particularly gifted social media users and have been for a very long time. I was blogging in Iran decades ago, and people were using Tor [un réseau informatique décentralisé] and knew how to circumvent the censorship of the regime. Even now we see shocking videos coming from Iran, despite the online crackdown. More and more people will turn into citizen journalists to try to send us these images.
The problem with censoring or shutting down the internet is that the regime itself needs the internet to function, businesses need it to function. It is very complicated to cut the network without breaking the bank in the process. Activists will know how to circumvent these measures.
Ayatollah Khamenei spoke in public last week, without saying a word about the protests. Is it possible to know his strategy?
Khamenei is a very old man [83 ans], no one knows what he really thinks. When you avoid talking about a topic, you imply that it doesn’t exist or doesn’t matter. Can this strategy work? That remains to be seen. Iran, like many societies in the Middle East, is getting younger and younger, and the young have had enough. For ten years, we have been talking about a burnt generation, young people think they have no future. Avoiding bringing up these issues does not make people popular, it seems like a very stupid strategy.
Should we fear even more brutal repression?
Will they kill more people? Sure. The violence will increase. But stories are already circulating of soldiers and police trying to stop such violence by the IRGC [les Gardiens de la révolution, sous le commandement direct du guide suprême]. Even some elements of the regime feel that it is going too far and there is a constant struggle within the Islamic Republic itself. Repression does not prevent people from having a political opinion and claiming rights. I am not convinced that more violence will stop this movement.
But does popular support still matter for the Iranian regime?
The whole reason of the Islamic Republic is founded on these pillars: Shiite Islam and self-sufficiency, but also the popular mandate given by the 1979 revolution. Losing this popular support, in such a public way, is very dangerous for the regime.
Opinions
Robin Rivaton’s Time.news
The Time.news of Sébastien Abis
Chronic
The Time.news of Vincent Pons
