The fate of the congress members mentioned in the known confessions and the Minister of Finance, Ricardo Bonilla, remains pending.
Photo: Gustavo Torrijos Zuluaga
The departure of Carlos Ramón González, director of the National Intelligence Directorate (DNI), serves as an example of what every public servant should do when there are serious allegations against them that resonate in the Attorney General’s Office. It is not about accepting guilt in advance, and González was clear in stating that his “innocence is irrefutable,” but it is about acknowledging that a public act demands exemplary moral behavior and not abusing a position of power. With his departure, accepted by the President of the Republic, Gustavo Petro, the fate of the congress members mentioned in the publicly known confessions and the Minister of Finance, Ricardo Bonilla, remains pending.
The Attorney General’s Office unveiled during the indictment hearing the evidence it has against Olmedo López and Sneyder Pinilla, former director and former deputy director of the National Unit for Disaster Risk Management (UNGRD). Beyond what we already knew from the numerous statements by those involved in the media and from the leaks published by Noticias Caracol, the most notable was that the Attorney General’s Office corroborated many of the more scandalous statements. The investigative body did diligent work that sought evidence from the testimonies that could shed light on how the bribes were operated. In its theory of the case, González is involved, who allegedly directed the payment of bribes to Iván Name and Andrés Calle in Congress; Ricardo Bonilla, the Minister of Finance, for pressuring contracts for non-existent emergencies, and at least eight congress members who would have benefited from the entire scheme.
We must emphasize the seriousness of what has been put on the table: the Attorney General’s Office considers as a fundamental part of its theory of the case that there was pressure from the national government to influence the Congress of the Republic. These are facts that tarnish public office and make sense in the framework of what has been disclosed. It is strange that bribes of the magnitude confessed by López and Pinilla occur by the grace of the Holy Spirit, without a determiner behind them. The political motive seems clear, which is why it is essential to have clarity on what occurred.
However, nothing has been proven in court. The Supreme Court of Justice is still silent about the progress of its investigation against the officials with privileges. Both González and Bonilla, to name the government officials, have denied any criminal act. They have the right to due defense and to the presumption of innocence, basic principles of our rule of law. The discussion is not, then, about guilt —that is for the courts to determine— but about suitability. The legitimacy of the state and its institutions is affected when their representatives have open investigations.
President Petro himself acknowledged this correctly when he accepted González’s resignation. “His position as the head of civil intelligence is incompatible with any judicial investigation,” the president wrote. “For the tranquility of prosecutors and judges, for their independence and good judgment, and for the very defense work of Carlos Ramón’s lawyers, the best option is for him to separate from his post.” We agree. It is a gesture that seldom occurs in Colombia. Minister Bonilla, on the other hand, says he will not leave because he does not “play to the gallery.” The mentioned congress members also remain entrenched in their positions. Is it not time for a second reflection?
Disagree with this editorial? Send your counter-editorial of 500 words to [email protected]
Director’s Note. We need readers like you to continue doing independent and quality journalism. Please consider obtaining a digital subscription and let’s support the power of the word.