This cotton does not cheat either. You pass it through the walls of the school model of the Community of Madrid chaired by Isabel Díaz Ayuso and it is stained with neoliberal society. It does not accumulate in the classrooms since last year, the one that has now started will not be the last either. For decades this dirt has adhered to the heart of the educational system and what is democratically unfair seems socially normalized because it does not consolidate a political alternative with the possibility of modifying what is today structural: the success of the Popular Party in the community begins with education of children, reaches university with more and more private places, and does not have as a priority the correction of educational inequality, but course after course it radicalizes it.
The model privileges families with incomes above the average, penalizes the poor because the dynamics intensify segregation and the data show that school failure and dropout disproportionately affect students whose family income is low. It has been certified again by the report by professors José Montalbán and Jenifer Ruiz-Valenzuela that EsadeEcPol has released this week. On several occasions they have been read here. They are public policies whose purpose is the immersion in educational inequality and they are not improvised at all. The most decisive decision of the popular governments in this sense has been the continued dismantling of public education with the closure of classrooms. It is the programmatic reverse of a fiscal policy that privileges the upper classes and that is the main electoral flag of the “self-satisfied identity” (Sir Ignacio Peyró dixit) that characterizes the Aguirrista hegemony. If the school continues as before, there is no possible change. The conditions to make an equitable meritocracy possible are neither given nor created.
Few syllogisms as clarifying as the following: Madrid is the Spanish autonomous community that spends the least per student and, at the same time, the parents of the community, those who can, are the ones who spend the most on their children’s education. The resolution of the syllogism is pure logic, yes, neoliberal: if families with high incomes can transfer intellectual capital to their children at home, plus the bonus of what is spent on education, the school does not correct the initial inequality, but the The model reinforces it and, with exceptions, thus conditions the employment future of some and others and, therefore, the income of the generations that are now studying. I outline: for some the knowledge economy, for others the service sector at the service of the wealthy on a day-to-day basis. In what concerns us: for the second the public, the private for the first. In the capital, today, public students are a minority and the average of those who go to private school in the community is one of the highest in Spain.
This neoliberal model has been imposed and is perpetuated because it shields the educational capital of the privileged and, twisting the loop, it really pays off for them. Because, let’s say, knowing foreign languages is a differentiating factor in getting a good job. Hire more teachers? Of course not. Pay an academy and ask for the invoice. The community is one of the few in the country where extracurricular language classes can be deducted: 10%. And what is already of cane and freedom is the savings of parents who take their children to educational centers where wearing the uniform is mandatory: a 5% bonus, from primary to secondary, footwear included and with the supporting ticket. Among all these measures, an exception for officials. There is a group that, according to the 2014/2020 order of the Ministry of Education and Youth, has the privilege of discounting the price of the school menu. Nothing to do in this case with rent. It is determined by the profession. National police and civil guards can benefit from this order. It is not a measure to attract talent. Here, in this society, privileges for the rich, more security and bad education.
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