It is no coincidence that on the front line of the protests and mobilizations we see those who still are or until very recently defined themselves as Chavistas.
Humberto Gonzalez Briceno
It is a true tragedy for Venezuela that what, in another way, could be the moment of greatest weakness of the regime occurs precisely when there is no real opposition and, what is worse, not even a minimally organized trade union movement.
The reality of the economic collapse continues to corner the Chavista regime, which has declared itself incapable of recovering the economy that it buried itself. The Bolivarian revolution destroyed the bolivar as a monetary symbol and with it wages, condemning millions of Venezuelans to live in absolute poverty.
The mentioned Chavista economic miracle disguised as bodegones, restaurants, and public shows is exposed when the Venezuelan who can still have a job or a retirement only has 5 dollars or less to buy the food of the month. According to analysts, the basic basket would be around 400 dollars.
The differential of 5 dollars to 400 can only be resolved through begging, the black market, and transfers of dollars from relatives who live abroad. For those who cannot access these options, all that remains is to dig for food in the garbage, a scene that often no longer impresses anyone in Venezuela.
Those who work for political parties are saved from this fate, but not even the furious, fanatical and recalcitrant Chavista bases are protected from the mass and democratized by their own regime.
The deterioration in wages has become the epiphany of many Chavistas who are now experiencing an awakening from their Bolivarian delusion only to suddenly realize that with Chavismo it is not possible, nor will it ever be, to reach the promised land.
It is no coincidence that in the front line of the protests and mobilizations we see those who still are or until very recently defined themselves as Chavistas. Making a quick pan through the radios and the regional press, we see how now more frequently Venezuelans appear who, identifying themselves as Chavistas, demand that the government of Nicolás Maduro, in the name of the revolution, index wages and dollarize the economy.
The operators of the regime know that without the oil industry operating and without other industries operating it is impossible to recover the economy. And if the regime were to undertake a rectification trying to amend itself it could take up to 30 years to see any results according to analysts.
Until now, the regime has managed to impose itself on the rest of Venezuelans, relying on its military forces and its collective gangs. The problem is that the economic situation is so serious that every day it is more difficult to calm the discontent and impatience of their own civilian and military clienteles whose income is worth less every day.
If military fidelity cracks and the Chavista militancy launches against its own regime, we could be on the verge of an unprecedented version of February 27, 1989. Unpublished, because unlike that one, this one could mark the collapse of the regime in a matter of hours.
This probable and plausible scenario could lead to an indefinite postponement of the elections, although to keep its forms the regime will have to find some more epic justification such as an attempted coup or assassination.
The truth is that from now on the stubborn reality, which is somehow expressed by the Chavista base itself, is the worst enemy of the regime.-
Humberto Gonzalez Briceno
It is a true tragedy for Venezuela that what, in another way, could be the moment of greatest weakness of the regime occurs precisely when there is no real opposition and, what is worse, not even a minimally organized trade union movement.
The reality of the economic collapse continues to corner the Chavista regime, which has declared itself incapable of recovering the economy that it buried itself. The Bolivarian revolution destroyed the bolivar as a monetary symbol and with it wages, condemning millions of Venezuelans to live in absolute poverty.
The mentioned Chavista economic miracle disguised as bodegones, restaurants, and public shows is exposed when the Venezuelan who can still have a job or a retirement only has 5 dollars or less to buy the food of the month. According to analysts, the basic basket would be around 400 dollars.
The reality of the economic collapse continues to corner the Chavista regime”
The differential of 5 dollars to 400 can only be resolved through begging, the black market, and transfers of dollars from relatives who live abroad. For those who cannot access these options, all that remains is to dig for food in the garbage, a scene that often no longer impresses anyone in Venezuela.
Those who work for political parties are saved from this fate, but not even the furious, fanatical and recalcitrant Chavista bases are protected from the mass and democratized by their own regime.
The deterioration in wages has become the epiphany of many Chavistas who are now experiencing an awakening from their Bolivarian delusion only to suddenly realize that with Chavismo it is not possible, nor will it ever be, to reach the promised land.
It is no coincidence that in the front line of the protests and mobilizations we see those who still are or until very recently defined themselves as Chavistas. Making a quick pan through the radios and the regional press, we see how now more frequently Venezuelans appear who, identifying themselves as Chavistas, demand that the government of Nicolás Maduro, in the name of the revolution, index wages and dollarize the economy.
The operators of the regime know that without the oil industry operating and without other industries operating it is impossible to recover the economy. And if the regime were to undertake a rectification trying to amend itself it could take up to 30 years to see any results according to analysts.
Until now, the regime has managed to impose itself on the rest of Venezuelans, relying on its military forces and its collective gangs. The problem is that the economic situation is so serious that every day it is more difficult to calm the discontent and impatience of their own civilian and military clienteles whose income is worth less every day.
If military fidelity cracks and the Chavista militancy launches against its own regime, we could be on the verge of an unprecedented version of February 27, 1989. Unpublished, because unlike that one, this one could mark the collapse of the regime in a matter of hours.
This probable and plausible scenario could lead to an indefinite postponement of the elections, although to keep its forms the regime will have to find some more epic justification such as an attempted coup or assassination.
The truth is that from now on the stubborn reality, which is somehow expressed by the Chavista base itself, is the worst enemy of the regime.
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