Resounding challenge to mimetic democracy – Congo Independent

by time news

2023-09-23 13:36:49

Mayoyo Fights Type-Type

Finally, that’s it! On September 21, 2023, an African president dared to declare, not in a private circle or in the media but from the podium of the United Nations General Assembly, what should be emphasized in the chapter of the second process of democratization of Africa, launched following the end of the Cold War, and which we have continued to repeat wherever we go since 1999, almost a quarter of a century in advance, the year of publication of our work entitled ‘African Political Adjustment. For an endogenous democracy in Congo-Kinshasa’, published by Editions L’Harmattan in Paris and L’Harmattan Inc. in Montreal.

Came to power on September 5, 2021 by a military coup, in reaction to the constitutional coup of his predecessor, President Alpha Condé, Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, president of the Guinean transition, was the only West coup leader- African invited to participate in the 78th ordinary session of the United Nations General Assembly, under the theme of ‘Peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability’ and in an international environment characterized, in Africa, by an ‘epidemic of coups d’état ‘, in Doumbouya’s own words.

From the outset, Mamady Doumbouya’s speech deserved to be applauded with both hands when he underlined the hypocrisy of the international community in the face of military coups, this old ‘epidemic’ which is reappearing: “It’s all the world that condemns them. Who sanctions them. Who is moved by the sudden reappearance of this practice that we thought was over. Well Named. But I want to say that the international community must have the honesty and correctness not to be content with denouncing only the consequences, but to take an interest in and address the causes. Coups d’état, if they have multiplied in recent years in Africa, it is because there are very deep reasons. And to treat the problem, we must look at the root causes. The putschist is not only the one who takes up arms to overthrow a regime. I hope that we remember that the real putschists, the most numerous, who are not the subject of any condemnation, are also those who scheme, who use deceit, who cheat to manipulate the texts of the constitution in order to remain in power forever. It is those in white collar jobs who change the rules of the game during the game to keep the reins of the country. These are the most numerous putschists.”

But the president of the Guinean transition stopped our loud applause when he subsequently pointed out the evil from which the black continent suffers: “Africa suffers from a model of governance that has been imposed on it. A model certainly good and effective for the West which has designed it throughout its history, but which has difficulty adapting to our realities, our customs, our environment. […] Very clearly, without hypocrisy, without pretense, eye to eye, we are all aware that this democratic model that you so insidiously and skillfully imposed on us after the La Baule summit in France, almost in a religious way, do not work “.

We could no longer continue to applaud Colonel Mamady Doumbouya because his words, in the paragraph above, refer to the unfortunate tendency that we Africans have to look for scapegoats for each of our misfortunes. The words fly away, but the writings remain, they say. On the occasion of the 16th conference of heads of state of Africa and France to which 37 African countries were invited and which took place in the French commune of La Baule-Escoublac, French President François Mitterrand delivered the famous speech said from La Baule, on June 20, 1990, inviting his African counterparts to proceed with the democratization of their States under penalty, otherwise, of being deprived of the ‘manna’ falling from the sky, the North, in the form development aid.

Certainly, in giving this speech, François Mitterrand did not act as a politician concerned about justice and freedom throughout the world. He behaved as an opportunist to adjust the policy of his country, perverted by the France-à-fric phenomenon, to the movement that the wheel of History was making in the USSR. He sought to safeguard France’s influence in the face of the winds of perestroika which would inevitably also blow across Africa. But we must give him credit. Knowing the African man and his colonized mentality, following his long alienation through four centuries of transatlantic trade (from the 16th to the 19th century) and nearly a century of colonization, he warned him in order to avoid recurrence of the error committed during the first process of democratization following independence: “When I say democracy, when I trace a path, when I say that this is the only way to achieve a state of balance at the moment when the need for greater freedom, I naturally have a ready-made diagram: representative system, free elections, multi-party system, freedom of the press, independence of the judiciary, refusal of censorship. This is the plan we have.” And Mitterrand continued: “It’s up to you to determine, you free peoples, you sovereign states that I respect, it’s up to you to choose your path, to determine the stages and the pace.” Better, addressing his African counterparts like a teacher to his students, he provided this important clarification: “Democracy is a universal principle. But we must not forget the differences in structures, civilizations, traditions and customs. It is impossible to offer a ready-made system. France does not have to dictate some constitutional law which would de facto impose itself on all peoples who have their own conscience and their own history and who must know how to move towards the universal principle that is democracy “. As we can see, no democratic scheme has been imposed on Africans. Furthermore, with the exception of Ethiopia, the only African country not to have been colonized and whose political system is based, awkwardly, on its ethnic groups, no other country in Africa has so far developed a any alternative to Western democracy that would take our realities into account; enterprise into which we embarked in our work cited above.

Mamadou Doumbouya, who seems to be in the odor of sanctity with France-à-fric, like the putschist of Gabon and unlike their counterparts in Mali, Burkina Fasso and Niger, is not the first African head of state to denounce , during the exercise of his functions, democracy blindly copied from the West, the damage of which no longer needs to be demonstrated. Agronomist by training and prime minister, from 1963 to 1966, elected president of the republic in August 1992 before being ejected from the presidential chair by his predecessor Dénis Sassou Ngwesso following a civil war during the last months of his mandate , Professor Pascal Lissouba had preceded him when he affirmed that “we have not thought about democracy in the same way that we had not, yesterday, thought about independence. We took the plunge. It’s time to mark time and reflect.” He also indicated the direction that any reflection on this subject should take: “If we want to avoid further disorder, we must return to our own values ​​and establish a participatory democracy. We had our village assemblies. They defended values ​​of solidarity and humanity which no longer exist” (Le Point, n° 1243, July 13, 1996).

Today, Colonel Mamady Doumbouya solemnly declares from the podium of the largest planetary organization, the United Nations, that “we are sufficiently mature to define our priorities, to design our own model which corresponds to our identity, to the reality of our populations, to what we quite simply are”, we must hope that he will take advantage of the Guinean transition to achieve such an objective. We must also hope that other African heads of state, who watch helplessly as exogenous democracy imported from the West destroys African societies, will in turn call it into question to launch their respective nations in the quest for alternatives. credible. Especially in Congo-Kinshasa, land of all excesses in terms of servile imitation and which believes it is building democracy on the basis of 900 things wrongly called political parties. In addition, we must hope that the United Nations and the African Union, who are aware of the failure of the second democratization process on the continent and who observe it, equally powerless, as if it were an inevitability , will finally encourage African States to explore alternatives to this deadly political model which, as Colonel Mamady Doumbouya so well underlined, “has above all contributed to maintaining a system of exploitation and plunder of our resources by others . And a very active corruption of our elites”, who concentrate in their hands and with complete impunity almost all of the wealth of our States.

Mayoyo Fights Type-Type

Writer & International Civil Servant

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