Argentine Football Official Linked to Decade-Long Land Grab in Santiago del Estero
A systematic scheme to dispossess rural landowners in the province of Santiago del Estero, Argentina, has allegedly been protected by figures with political and judicial power, including Pablo Toviggino, treasurer of the Argentine Football Association (AFA). For over a decade, residents of Colonia Fiscal Leftovers in the Alberdi department, known locally as Mojones Blancos, have reported violent land occupations and fraudulent title generation, raising concerns about corruption and impunity.
A Decade of Dispossession
Residents say the conflict isn’t simply a series of isolated disputes, but a coordinated effort to seize land. “This is not a conflict between neighbors,” one resident explained, “it’s an organized scheme that repeats itself across different fields.” The alleged network centers around the acquisition of public lands through dubious means, followed by resale to third parties. At least seven fields in the area have reportedly been targeted over the last ten years, following a pattern of violent occupation, the creation of questionable land titles, and subsequent sale.
The Toviggino Connection
Complainants have presented documents to authorities – and shared them with THE NATION – linking Toviggino to the alleged land grab. These documents reveal that companies SOMA SRL and Malte SRL appear as the owners of the disputed land. These firms, according to reports, are connected to a mansion in Pilar and other properties currently under investigation by Justice officials, who suspect Toviggino is the ultimate beneficial owner. Malte SRL owned a farm in Pilar between June 2023 and May 2024. A percentage of Malte was then acquired by SOMA, comprised of Darío Fabián Toviggino – brother of the AFA treasurer – and managed by Mauro Javier Paz, director of the AFA’s women’s soccer division and majority partner of Malte SRL. Paz himself is listed as the owner of one of the contested land parcels.
A History of Occupation and Legal Battles
The land in question, residents explain, is public domain, historically governed by possessory actions. Many have lived and worked the land since the 1990s, initially supporting construction and sawmill operations in the Campo Gallo area. Early occupation dates back to the early 2000s, with roads established following exploratory work by YPF for oil exploration.
Beginning in the late 1990s and early 2000s, agricultural producers, primarily from Jesús María, began arriving, seeking to expand agricultural frontiers. These producers reportedly purchased possession rights from local residents through notarial offices, developing agricultural and livestock projects on what they described as undeveloped land with native forests and pastures.
“Campo Viejo,” encompassing approximately 2900 hectares, and “Pampita,” around 2420 hectares, are cited as prime examples. Possessory rights to these lands were acquired in March 2003 by Ricardo Alberto Baldi, Carlos Csáky, Gustavo Boneto, and Héctor Roera, through purchases from local residents. A previous attempt at usurpation in 2004, aimed at exploiting timber resources, was successfully repelled after a court order restored possession to the buyers.
Between 2004 and 2010, significant investment was made in the fields, including perimeter fencing, pasture planting (such as Gatton Panic), water drilling, dam construction, and rural buildings. All development was documented in judicial and administrative records.
Escalation and Alleged Organized Crime
The situation deteriorated sharply at the end of 2011, with the arrival of what residents describe as an “organized band” from outside the region, equipped with logistical support, vehicles, and alleged political backing. This led to violent episodes, including the burning of facilities, destruction of property, and the expulsion of those working the land. “These weren’t rural residents,” one neighbor stated, “they were professionals at usurpation.”
Central to this alleged operation is Fernando Figueroa, known as “Polo,” identified as a key operator. Connections to the Central Córdoba barra brava (organized football fan group) and Aníbal Patto, a lawyer related to the provincial Minister of Justice, have also been alleged. Residents claim the police not only failed to intervene but, in some instances, assisted in the transfer of materials. They believe the involvement of Toviggino and his family explains the lack of institutional response, referencing a perceived “bank of Zamora” – a reference to former Governor Carlos Romero – suggesting powerful protection.
Legal Maneuvering and Alleged Fraud
The dispute has been the subject of multiple legal proceedings, including case No. 438308, Baldi Ricardo Alberto and others v. César Orlando Acosta and others. Residents argue the disputed property is part of a larger area registered to the Santiago del Estero government and has never been legitimately awarded to private individuals.
A recurring tactic, they claim, has been the constant replacement of defendants, forcing repeated notifications and prolonging the legal process. Even when courts ruled in favor of restoring possession, eviction proceedings were halted by the filing of allegedly fabricated criminal cases.
The situation further complicated in 2019 with the arrival of ACM Logísticas SA, which began clearing land despite existing precautionary measures. Residents believe this was another delaying tactic, supported by deeds and inscriptions they consider fraudulent, dating back to 2017 and 2018, and executed while the land remained in fiscal domain. They have denounced the material and ideological falsity of these deeds, citing signatures that do not match those of Property Registry officials, alleging a fictitious chain of transmissions designed to obscure the true purchaser. Requests for calligraphic expertise, title studies, cadastral reports, and land surveys have been submitted.
The case highlights a troubling pattern of alleged land grabbing, potentially facilitated by powerful figures, and underscores the challenges faced by rural communities in protecting their rights in Santiago del Estero.
