Trinidad is a former FARC commander who is serving a 60-year sentence in a Colorado prison.. This request comes amid the efforts of the government of President Gustavo Petro to promote the peace process in Colombia.
From the beginning of his mandate, Petro prioritized the clemency request for Trinidad, arguing that his release could contribute to truth and reconciliation in Colombia..
As reported Caracol Newsthe Colombian ambassador to the United States, Daniel García Peña, sent several communications to the US government asking for mercy. In addition, Foreign Minister Luis Gilberto Murillo made similar efforts during his time as ambassador.
The request for pardon was accelerated in the development of the anniversary of the eight years since the signing of the peace agreements with the FARC. During this event, Rodrigo Londoño, former guerrilla leader and current leader of the Community Party, called for the release of Trinidad and his repatriation, calling for his extradition to the arbitrary United States. Londoño emphasized the importance of Trinidad being able to contribute to the truth and provide compensation to the victims of the armed conflict.
Although Trinidad has signed an act of submission to the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), this court has not yet been able to question it to begin its process. The JEP seeks for Trinidad to accept its responsibility and contribute to the truth about the crimes committed during its time in the conflict. The Colombian government argues that the pardon would not only comply with the requirements of the JEP, but would also be a humanitarian gesture for the victims of the conflict.
Deputy Foreign Minister Jorge Rojas is in the United States to discuss this and other bilateral issues with Biden administration officials. Rojas reiterated the official position of the Colombian government, stressing that the group with which Trinidad belonged has already signed the peace and that the release is a humanitarian matter.
However, the request for clemency drew mixed opinions. Roberto Lacouture, who was kidnapped by the guerrilla front that ruled Trinidad in the 1990s, expressed his anger at the possibility of a presidential pardon. For his part, the Comunes party senator, Julián Gallo, defended the idea that Trinidad is a political prisoner and that his return to Colombia would be crucial to the peace process.
The outcome of this pardon request is in the hands of President Biden, who must consider the arguments presented by the Colombian government and the implications of this decision in the context of bilateral relations and the peace process in Colombia.
Simón Trinidad: the economist who became the leader of the FARC and faces prison life in the US.
Simón Trinidad, the former leader of FARC, is currently serving a 60-year prison sentence in the United States.
Trinidad, whose real name is Juvenal Ovidio Ricardo Palmera Pineda, was a prominent member of the FARC. Born on July 30, 1950 in Valledupar, Cesar, Trinidad, he had a life that at first seemed far removed from the insurgency. He studied at the Helvetia School in Bogotá and graduated as an economist at the Jorge Tadeo Lozano University.
In addition, he studied financial management at Harvard University. When he returned to Colombia, he worked as a manager of the Banco de Comercio de Valledupar. However, In 1987, he decided to join the FARC, where he quickly rose in the organization.
Before joining the FARC, Trinidad founded a Marxist-Leninist group called Los Independientes in 1981, along with Jaime Sierra Tomás Agudelo and Federico Palacios Romaña. In 1994, José Prudencio Padilla took command of the 19th Front, operating in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. A year later, he was promoted to sixth in command of the Caribbean Bloc, in charge of proselytizing and propaganda tasks. In 1996, he reached the third position in command of the General Staff of this Block and, by 1997, he was in charge of the 41st front and the Susana Téllez commission.
In 2000, Trinidad was the spokesperson for the FARC during the negotiations in San Vicente del Caguán. In July of that year, he publicly announced that the FARC would attack fumigation aircraft in the south of the country. Among the crimes he has been accused of is his involvement in the Bojayá massacre in 2002, in which 80 people died, including 48 children, and in which more than 5,000 people were displaced.. He is also accused of the kidnapping and murder of the former Minister of Culture, Consuelo Araújo Noguera, and Lieutenant Álvaro Fernando Morris Piedrahíta.
Trinidad was extradited to the United States, where he was convicted of his role in a conspiracy to kidnap three American citizens in Colombia. The trial, which lasted four weeks, presented evidence that the FARC captured three American contractors on February 13, 2003 after an emergency landing in the Department of Caquetá. Two of the occupants, American pilot Thomas Janis and Colombian Luis Alcides Cruz, were executed, while Marc Gonsalves, Keith Stansell and Thomas Howes were kidnapped for five years, until they were released in 2008 during Operation Jaque.
How does Dr. Mariana Salcedo view the role of education in transforming former insurgents like Simón Trinidad within the peace process?
Interview between Time.News Editor and Dr. Mariana Salcedo, Expert on Colombian Peace Processes
Time.News Editor (TNE): Welcome, Dr. Salcedo. It’s an honor to have you here to discuss the ongoing case of Simón Trinidad, the former FARC leader who is currently imprisoned in the United States. A lot has been happening recently, especially concerning President Gustavo Petro’s clemency request. Could you start by explaining the significance of Trinidad’s case in the context of Colombia’s peace efforts?
Dr. Mariana Salcedo (DMS): Thank you for having me. Trinidad’s case is monumental, not just for the individual but for the Colombian peace process as a whole. His potential release is seen as a symbol of reconciliation after decades of conflict. President Petro’s administration is making a bold move by prioritizing this clemency request. They believe that freeing Trinidad could help facilitate the truth-telling process about the armed conflict and contribute to healing among the victims.
TNE: That’s a significant perspective. The Colombian government argues that Trinidad’s release would comply with the requirements of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP). What does this mean for both Trinidad and the peace agreements signed in 2016?
DMS: The JEP is essential for transitional justice in Colombia. It aims to provide a platform where individuals like Trinidad can acknowledge their crimes and contribute to the truth about the conflict. By cooperating with the JEP, Trinidad could help victims like Roberto Lacouture feel more empowered through the truth of what happened. The Colombian government’s argument implies that Trinidad’s release is not just legal; it’s a humanitarian gesture as well.
TNE: We’ve seen mixed reactions to this clemency request. For instance, Roberto Lacouture, a former hostage, expressed anger at the potential pardon. How do we reconcile such strong opinions within Colombian society?
DMS: This is indeed a complex situation. Colombia is still very much divided by the scars of the conflict. While some view Trinidad as a political prisoner whose insights could help heal, others, especially victims, may struggle to accept the idea of leniency for someone who played a role in their suffering. It’s crucial for the government and civil society to engage in dialogues that acknowledge these emotional realities.
TNE: Furthermore, Trinidad’s academic background is often highlighted, noting his past as an economist. How do you think his education and initial career path play into the narrative surrounding his involvement in the FARC?
DMS: Trinidad’s background is intriguing. His transition from an educated economist to a leader in an armed group alludes to the broader socio-economic issues in Colombia. Many individuals, despite having opportunities, felt drawn into the insurgency due to underlying social injustices. Trinidad’s case illustrates how education and ideology can sometimes intersect with violent paths, and it highlights the need to address the root causes of conflict in Colombia.
TNE: It seems Trinidad’s story reflects broader societal dynamics. As we speak of peace, his repatriation has also been called for by prominent figures. What role do you see political leaders like Rodrigo Londoño playing in this discourse?
DMS: Londoño, as a former guerrilla leader himself, brings a unique perspective to the conversation. His push for Trinidad’s return emphasizes the importance of continued dialog and the recognition that peace processes require participation from all sides, including former combatants. By advocating for Trinidad, Londoño is also highlighting the collective responsibility to address past injustices, which is vital for sustainable peace.
TNE: The final decision rests with President Biden, as you mentioned. From a geopolitical perspective, how does this request for clemency reflect on U.S.-Colombian relations?
DMS: That’s a critical aspect. The U.S. has historically played a major role in Colombia’s security landscape. Biden’s decision will not only impact Trinidad’s fate but will also send a message regarding the U.S. stance on supporting peace processes abroad. A favorable response could strengthen ties between the two nations, particularly in the context of shared goals around stability and democracy in the region.
TNE: Dr. Salcedo, thank you for your insights. It’s clear that Trinidad’s case is a multifaceted issue intertwining justice, reconciliation, and geopolitics—each element crucial for moving forward in Colombia’s ongoing journey toward peace.
DMS: Thank you for the opportunity to discuss this important issue. It’s vital that we continue to advocate for a comprehensive understanding of the complexities involved. Peace in Colombia is a collective endeavor, and every voice matters in this dialog.