2023-10-31 05:30:11
The reform raising retirement to 64, supposed to be the great test of Emmanuel Macron’s second five-year term, had left the presidential majority unmoved: throughout the interminable ordeal which had led the Prime Minister, Elisabeth Borne, to resort to in article 49.3 of the Constitution to adopt a project fought in the street as in the Hemicycle, the Renaissance deputies remained united.
Although the left wing of the majority had suffered from seeing the dispute deepen a little more every day between Emmanuel Macron and Laurent Berger, who was then secretary general of the CFDT, it had kept silent about its qualms, refusing to adding crisis to crisis while waiting for better days when relaxation would finally be the order of the day.
The pension crisis was, however, only the first in a long list which included, among other things, urban riots, the return of terrorism, the slowdown in growth, the weight of the debt, the persistence of inflation and the failing functioning of several public services which previously made the reputation of the French model. Taken together, these setbacks taint the second term of the President of the Republic, which everyone knows will end in 2027.
This context, in every way contrary to the promise of renewal and optimism contained in the election of Emmanuel Macron in 2017, cannot be dissociated from what is beginning to be perceptible within the presidential majority: dissonant voices are emerging. are heard. It is not strictly speaking a revolt, but the beginnings of emancipation within the framework of a political landscape with permeable and shifting borders.
Tension and unease
The first mood swing has just appeared regarding the conflict between Israel and Hamas. It is limited to a handful of deputies, but is all the more difficult to circumscribe because it is epidermal and one of the actors is the president of the Renaissance group in the National Assembly, Sylvain Maillard. Like some of his colleagues, the deputy from Paris, horrified by the massacres of October 7, has so far been quicker to justify Israel’s right to defend itself than to adhere to the more balanced line defended by the President of the Republic and by the Quai d’Orsay.
The divergence came to light, Monday October 23, in the hemicycle of the National Assembly when the president (MoDem) of the foreign affairs committee, Jean-Louis Bourlanges, after recalling the “Israel’s absolute right to defend itself”denounced the “major failures” of the governments of Benyamin Netanyahu and warned against “risk of uncontrolled escalation” can lead to a “massive annihilation of civilian populations”. Only a few applause erupted from the majority benches. This is the first time that in matters of foreign policy, a divergence has erupted in such a tangible way, creating an atmosphere of tension and unease within the group. The more the conflict escalates, the more its corrosive effect is to be feared.
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