2024-09-14 21:00:00
BarcelonaFormer minister of economy and finance Antoni Castells (Barcelona, 1950) visited ARA after PSC and Esquerra agreed to promote a new unique financial model for Catalonia in the Salvador Illa investment agreement. Castells was part of the government when, in 2005, Parliament approved a proposal to amend the Law that called for a “homogeneous economic concert”, a formula that did not work but which, almost twenty years later , has supported the agreement between liberals and socialists. Castells also participated in the negotiation of a new regional funding model with the State in Montilla’s executive position.
What is important about the transaction?
– There are three basic points. First, the Generalitat, through the Catalan Tax Agency, will collect all taxes. Second, part of these taxes, in percentages to be determined, will be appropriate to the State to be able to finance the expenses that continue to be considered. Third, if these resources of the Generalitat will be taken, a part will be shared in union with other autonomous regions. The first point of agreement is clear and specific and implies a change of great importance. The other two are good basics, but need to be specific.
What is important for an agency to work well?
– We should aim for you to be in a position to work, at least, as well as the State Tax Administration Agency (AEAT). This is not easy and you will have to work well and very efficiently. To be able to do the right things, the cooperation of the AEAT will be essential in this process, and it does not appear to me that it has enough incentives to do so. Obviously, we will also have to be careful to avoid that what we end up with is not an unlimited thing that ends up acting as a kind of protected category of AEAT.
How should you define the second point, the percentage of money that the State should receive?
– The idea is good. If Catalonia receives all the taxes, it is logical that not all of them stay in Catalonia, because the State continues to provide services here that must be financed somehow. The most appropriate thing would be for Catalonia’s contribution to these expenses to be calculated according to the percentage of GDP. And once that amount has been collected, it will have to see what the total percentage of taxes collected here that increase that amount is chosen. In other words, a portion of corporate tax, VAT, etc.
It will be different from the Basque ‘cupo’.
– Yes of course. Them destiny it is the transfer of Basque companies to the State. Here the State will have a direct share of the various taxes and, from this initial period, I would like to believe that both the State and the Generalitat governments will jump over each other when they decide their taxes (like it happens in other federal states). Apart from this communication difference with the destiny, The basic concept is: what the finances of the State continue to assume in Catalonia. Or, to put it another way: what is the cost in all of Spain that the State’s finances continue to assume in Catalonia.
Is this easy to calculate?
– It is done without hesitation in the money of the common government, because the State already keeps part of the taxes. And we have the precedent of destiny Basque, which is obliged to calculate the goods of the State continues to consider as his own. So it will be necessary to take this number, remove the expenses that the powers of Catalonia and the Basque Country do not – basically, prisons -, put those of the Basque Country in not Catalonia and we will have a number the. What happens is that this size will be smaller than what we are currently using correctly, and which I referred to earlier.
In other words, that the state accounts will not come out?
— It will be a great reduction.
It’s hard to accept. How can it be done, therefore, so that the rest of the communities also have decisions to join and can move forward?
— The problem of other areas is different. What they are concerned about is the total amount of resources and distribution requirements. Therefore, if the State adjusts the materials to the top and also adjusts the distribution decisions for those who are worst today, I think that the rest of the community should be more or less satisfied.
Repairs mean more money. Where are they from?
– Of the State budget. Deficit reduction may have to be slowed down. Maybe there are matches that you can see if they are necessary. In any case, what is clear to me is that, in relative terms, the State has more resources to meet its financial needs than the autonomous regions.
How is unity calculated?
– The agreement states that the different regions must be able to provide the same levels of service, making the same financial effort, and that the customs procedure must be respected. However, for me the key idea is the size of the level, which cannot be 100% as it is now. That is to say, all the taxes that the citizens of Catalonia pay to the Generalitat above the average go to the union with the other Autonomous Regions and do not affect in any way more funding. This does not happen anywhere. Tradition is important, it is a doctrine and, naturally, it must be fulfilled. But it has a less strong concept. First, because if the funding of Catalonia falls outside the common government, it is difficult to establish rules of comparison; and second, because the regulations can be implemented and, otherwise, at a level that is completely crazy, close to 100%. The important question, therefore, is what part of the resources paid above the average should go to the union, to the level with other regions, and what part affects the better budget of the Generalitat.
And how is this decided?
– Negotiator In general, these procedures are not available in other countries. And if many other areas have to improve, the State has to put in the money. For me it is pedagogical, intellectual and equal advice. So it will be a matter of negotiation.
But Catalonia will contribute less to the common currency.
– Yes, but between 20 we contribute now (which means 100% level) and 0 is in a very wide range. And this is what must be subject to negotiation. This is important advice. Once this level is determined, the technology is not difficult at all to implement. And, if the stage is done well, the norm fulfills itself.
Do you think it is possible that the funding for Catalonia is unique?
— It must be. It is a natural way to respond to the different preferences of the communities regarding the desire for self-government and national identity. What makes me doubt is that for other regions what they don’t want for Catalonia seems more important than what they want for them. I would understand the emotion if it hurts them, but it doesn’t have to happen. We are in a position to make the right numbers and demonstrate that a specific system for Catalonia is financially sustainable.
And why is it important that Catalonia’s funding is unique?
– Because the case of Catalonia is unique. Denying this fact is what leads us to the current problem. When the constitution was drafted, everyone knew that it was about doing two things at once: democracy in Spain and self-government and national identity for the peripheral countries (which are two and a half) . This is why countries and territories are created, and two ways of access to freedom, etc. All you have to do is stick your head out the window and see that there is a different conflict in Catalonia than the rest of Spain. You only need to see how the whole of Spanish politics is challenged by the Catalan conflict. You ask me: why is it single? And what I’m wondering is: how is it possible that we don’t see it as a specific conflict, like Quebec in Canada or Scotland in England.
So is the answer to the process?
– In part yes. We must find a common project that allows the majority of Catalan society to gather around a shared national goal. And I don’t think the goal is freedom. What I find disturbing is that, between freedom and continuing the same, there is nothing, no idea on the table. It seems to me that the proposal for a self-government agreement for Catalonia within Spain of these characteristics will have broad support. Not only in the field of money. And I think that’s part of the job that the PSC has to do.
What I find disturbing is that, between freedom and continuing the same, there is nothing, no idea on the table.
Anthony Castells Former Minister of Economy and Finance
And you see that the PSC is protecting these interests of Catalonia?
— To do so, he will have to separate himself from PSOE. The Government of the Generalitat should have its opinion, and it should be negotiated with that of the State, with the desire to find an agreement, clearly. But I find it very difficult that the national project of Catalonia defended by the PSC can belong to the PSOE. And the problem of the PSC, for me, is the credibility of the PSOE. President Illa will now see how difficult it is to be President of the Generalitat without having his own party in Madrid. He will see what it means to be the president of the Generalitat and what Catalonia in the Congress is of the spokesmen of the Junts, of the left or of the commons. And it is that the voice of Catalonia in Madrid cannot be Mr. Patxi López. PSC has this problem. But he also comes from a long Catalanist tradition, and I would like him to play an important role in restoring the broader Catalanist unity, which is very important for the country.
Do you trust PSOE?
— I want to trust the PSC. With PSOE, we will have to negotiate. And the PSOE is complicated, obviously, because you see how Spain is on fire with Catalonia. It is one of the most painful experiences of the government level: to see how easy it is to set fires of hatred in all of Spain towards Catalonia based on speaking of barbarities. The PP has devoted itself to it with incredible enthusiasm, but it has also had the invaluable help of writings from the old guard of the PSOE. And sometimes even from former President Felipe González himself.
Does this whole process mean turning Spain into a federal state?
– Of course not. It means accepting that Spain cannot be a federal state, nor does it want to be, but that, instead, the relationship between Catalonia and Spain is based on the model of federal states that are close to us (United States, Canada , Germany and Switzerland). ) could satisfy Catalonia’s aspirations for self-government.
This is possible without the complicity of this Spanish right?
— It is very difficult. This is a problem I don’t have an answer for. In Spain we have a moment, I think, of the right wing that wants to solve the problem of the region. It was a time of change. But then it is very difficult.
He has been to the Budget and Finance Committees and has seen different areas of negotiation with the ministry. what have you seen?
— When I was in government, the alignments were political. Those of PSOE do what the PSOE government says and those of PP are against what the government suggests. But when you negotiate with the State government, the first thing is to serve the interests of the company, and to know that the Generalitat government is on one side of the table and the State government is on the other.
What does Salvador Illa recommend?
— I am not someone to recommend anything to him. What I want is to help my country and its companies. I found a man who believed, so he must help. Because the agreements have the power to enforce them and, when Catalonia is united behind a goal, it has power.
And what do you say to other groups?
— What I would ask for is unity around shared goals. That is to say, that in this transaction, at least, the signatures of the investment agreement go together. Because if they don’t go together, they’re lost before they start.
Carla Turró’s interview with Antoni Castells
#protect #interests #Catalonia #PSC #separate #PSOE