Mancuso and 45 other former AUC members convicted of responsibility for over a thousand crimes in Norte de Santander

by time news

Salvatore Mancuso and 45 other former members of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) were ​convicted. The​ decision was made by the Justice and Peace‍ Chamber of the Superior ‌Court of Barranquilla which ⁢held them responsible up​ to 1,323⁣ crimes.

Mancuso and the other convicts are⁣ responsible for committing up to 1,323 crimes in the department of Norte ‍de ‍Santander between⁢ May 1999 and December 2004.

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The decision ‌of the Chamber of Justice and Peace, the⁣ Prosecutor’s Office⁤ indicated, was taken after evaluating several evidence provided​ by the accusing body.‍

“The decision takes into account 568 murders, including those perpetrated during the ‍massacres of Villa del Rosario, Arboledas, Los Patios, El Tarra and Tibú“, specified the Prosecutor’s Office.

The justice system also held them responsible for 55 cases of enforced disappearance – most of them civilians and community ‌representatives detained without their whereabouts being ​known until now. and 700 events associated with forced displacement.

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“The ​victims of these behaviors⁤ were protected people,⁢ among the civilian population‌ and community representatives, exploited to carry out‍ criminal⁤ acts in the region or unjustly accused of collaborating with other armed groups outside the ‌law”, stated‌ the Prosecutor’s Office.

Salvatore Mancuso has⁤ been free since ⁣July 10, ⁤when ⁤Inpec gave him the ticket to leave La ⁣Picota prison in ⁣Bogota. Since then he has served as peace manager, appointed by‍ the government of President Gustavo Petro.

The new conviction gave Mancuso a sentence of 480 months in prison. The former paramilitaries received sentences of between 240 ⁤and 480 ‍months in prison. They all have to pay financial ‌penalties ‌of up to 5,000 monthly minimum wages.

All those convicted can ⁣benefit from the​ alternative sentence of eight years in prison, as established by the Justice and⁢ Peace law.

What does ⁢it mean⁤ to be a peace manager?

The former paramilitary’s⁣ designation as a peace manager means⁣ he can⁢ now act as a facilitator or intermediary between illegal ‍armed ⁣groups and the ⁤national government with ​the aim of achieving negotiations, demobilization and even subjugation of criminal groups.

The mechanism is not new.⁤ It was regulated in 1997 by Law 418. It⁣ established the president’s power to request the suspension of judicial proceedings against former ⁤members of armed groups so that ‍they can mediate in reaching humanitarian agreements.

Former president Álvaro Uribe, in fact, made⁣ use of the figure ⁢during his mandate. At that point ​he appointed the guerrillas who were imprisoned as peace managers so that they could obtain the demobilization of the then FARC members.

How are‍ the victims of the Colombian conflict being supported in the aftermath of these judicial decisions?

Interview Between Time.news Editor and Expert on Colombian Conflict

Editor: Welcome to Time.news.⁢ Today, we’re discussing a significant judicial decision involving former paramilitary leader Salvatore⁤ Mancuso and his ⁣conviction alongside 45 other members of the United Self-Defense Forces ‌of‌ Colombia, known as the AUC. With us is Dr. Maria Gonzalez, a renowned expert in ‌Colombian conflict studies. Thank you for joining us, Dr. ‍Gonzalez.

Dr. Gonzalez: Thank you for⁢ having me. It’s a pleasure to discuss such an important⁣ topic.

Editor: Let’s dive ⁢right in. The Justice ⁣and Peace Chamber of the Superior Court of ​Barranquilla has held Mancuso and his associates responsible for up⁤ to 1,323 crimes. What does this conviction mean for the ‍ongoing peace process in ⁢Colombia?

Dr. Gonzalez: This conviction is monumental for several reasons.‍ Firstly,‍ it reaffirms the accountability of former paramilitary​ leaders, which is‍ critical for healing and reconciliation in Colombia. The acknowledgment of the scale of atrocities,‍ including 568 murders and numerous cases of enforced disappearances and forced displacements, sheds light on the ‍depth of the conflict ‍and the ⁣suffering of victims.

Editor: The number is staggering. The court cited specific⁤ massacres like Villa del Rosario and El Tarra. ⁢How do ⁢cases like these impact public perception and the historical ‌narrative of the conflict?

Dr. ⁣Gonzalez: Cases such as these highlight the brutal reality faced by⁣ communities during the ⁢conflict. Public perception often evolves as more information comes to light.​ These atrocities contribute to a collective memory that influences how society views past violence⁢ and justice.​ By emphasizing these⁢ high-profile cases, it becomes easier for victims’ voices to be amplified, fostering​ a community-oriented approach to healing.

Editor: The Prosecutor’s Office mentions that ​many victims were civilians and community representatives. What ⁣does this say about the dynamics of ⁤power and violence during this period?

Dr. Gonzalez: It underscores the vulnerability ⁤of civilian populations in conflict zones.​ The AUC often targeted community leaders who‍ stood in opposition to⁤ their activities or those perceived to collaborate with rival groups.⁢ This strategy aimed to instill fear and consolidate power. The systemic violence experienced by civilians should steer discussions on⁤ accountability and the need for⁢ comprehensive reforms to protect human rights.

Editor: Recently, the Supreme Court denied ‍Mancuso’s request for freedom. What implications does this decision hold for other former paramilitary leaders currently navigating the justice system?

Dr. Gonzalez: Denying ⁤Mancuso’s freedom sends a‍ strong ⁢message about the judiciary’s stance ‍on accountability. It suggests‌ that the courts are willing to ⁤hold high-ranking officials accountable, potentially discouraging ‌others from seeking leniency under⁢ the guise of ‌‘peace⁤ management.’ Future cases​ will likely be scrutinized⁣ under this precedent, promoting a more consistent application of justice.

Editor: Many are concerned about the ongoing‍ relationship between former armed groups and the‌ peace‌ process. How can Colombia ensure that those who⁣ were part of these ⁣violent groups do not re-enter cycles ​of violence?

Dr. Gonzalez: Ensuring that those reintegrated into society are well-supported is fundamental. The government must focus on providing ⁣education, employment opportunities, and ⁢psychological support for former combatants. Additionally, fostering community-strengthening initiatives can ⁣create environments of social cohesion. It’s crucial that reform and development efforts integrate a historical understanding of the violence to prevent future conflicts.

Editor: Thank ⁢you, Dr. Gonzalez, ⁢for your insights. It’s clear⁣ that the‍ implications of the court’s decision are far-reaching, touching‍ not ⁢only on justice for‍ victims ⁢but‍ also on the broader‍ narrative‍ of Colombia’s ⁢path to peace.

Dr. Gonzalez:‌ Thank you for having me. It’s an ongoing journey, and discussions like these are vital for⁢ the country’s ⁢progression.

Editor: Thank you to our audience for joining us in this conversation about justice and peace in Colombia. Until next time, stay informed.

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