Anti-immigrant violence swept across South Africa starting in March 2026, forcing tens of thousands of Malawians and Zimbabweans to flee their homes while sparking deportations, court battles over shop closures, and sharp debates among historians over whether modern xenophobia echoes a century of deep-seated nationalist politics.
Anti-immigrant violence began to surge across South Africa in March 2026, driven by mass protests led by groups such as Operation Dudula and March and March. Protest organizers blamed undocumented African migrants for domestic crime, widespread unemployment, and strained public services. As tensions escalated, these groups issued strict deadlines for foreign nationals to leave the country.
During the unrest, the isiZulu slogan they must leave
echoed repeatedly during assaults and burglaries. Over the following months, an estimated 56,000 Malawians and 115,000 Zimbabweans fled their homes, while at least 11 foreign nationals were killed. In response to the crisis, the governments of Nigeria, Ghana, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Malawi funded the return of tens of thousands of their citizens and asked the International Criminal Court to intervene. Meanwhile, the South African government under an African National Congress-led coalition deported 19,000 migrants within a few months.
Daily Pressure and Access Restrictions Facing Migrants
Beyond the initial wave of mass displacement, migrants who chose to remain in South Africa faced persistent fear, financial loss, and severe restrictions on basic services. By early September, 129,000 people had voluntarily returned to Zimbabwe, following the departure of more than 56,000 migrants to Malawi by early August. Police reported to parliament on ongoing arrests, detentions, and deportations.
Community representatives and activists across several major urban areas documented widespread harassment. Claude Kayitare of the Southern Africa Network for Immigrants and Refugees reported that migrants in the Marshalltown area of Johannesburg were frequently stopped in the streets for document checks by individuals linked to the anti-immigrant movement, with some instances involving extortion. In Durban, Refugee Social Services representative Gabi Bikombo noted that documented migrants pushed out of informal trading sites could not return to work, and foreigners faced denials of access to public healthcare facilities.
Legal Battles Over Closed Shops and Blocked Accounts
The crackdown also targeted migrant-owned businesses and administrative processes. Isayaga Mombilo of the Congolese Civil Society of South Africa reported that asylum seekers attempting to withdraw their protection applications to return home found their bank accounts blocked by financial institutions demanding permission from the Department of Home Affairs. The department acknowledged receiving journalists’ inquiries but did not respond before publication.
Legal interventions yielded mixed results for affected shopkeepers. On August 17, the High Court in Pietermaritzburg ordered Alfred Duma Municipality Mayor Zama Sibisi to remove locks from migrant-owned shops that had been shuttered during a June enforcement operation. However, representatives for Congolese, Ethiopian, and Burundian shopkeepers stated that those stores were allowed to operate for only two days following the court ruling. Additionally, the Western Cape Anti-Xenophobia Coalition reported that more than a hundred migrants were detained during Winelands raids and held in overcrowded conditions, though South African police rejected allegations of unlawful treatment and indiscriminate arrests.
Political Reactions and Historical Roots
President Cyril Ramaphosa took several months to condemn the violence, eventually insisting that “quite a bit of the violence” was being propelled from outside South Africa
, though he provided no evidence. Commentators Nesrine Malik and William Shoki argued that the unrest threatens the post-1994 rainbow nation
consensus—a phrase coined by Archbishop Desmond Tutu to foster unity after decades of apartheid segregation.
Historians tracing the roots of these sentiments note that anti-immigrant antipathy extends back over a century. Since the founding of the African National Congress in 1912, various nationalists viewed foreign migrant workers as economic competitors who depressed wages. During the mid-1920s, moderate ANC executive member Henry Selby Msimang advocated for a South African race consciousness
that excluded Malawians. A December 1926 anti-Malawian riot in Johannesburg killed six people and injured 25, followed by deportation petitions from leaders including Msimang and pro-communist general secretary Eddie Khaile. Yet, historians emphasize that the early ANC also featured pro-migrant figures like Sol Plaatje, Richard Victor Selope Thema and Richard Msimang, who denounced Khaile for retreating behind the barbed wires of racialism and provincialism
.
Unresolved Questions and What Lies Ahead
As thousands of citizens return to neighboring nations and domestic communities grapple with the fallout, critical questions remain regarding government accountability and the enforcement of constitutional protections. South African authorities have not clarified how they will address systemic extortion and service denials reported by community watchdogs, nor has the Department of Home Affairs responded to administrative bottlenecks affecting blocked bank accounts. Whether recent judicial interventions will permanently safeguard migrant-owned businesses against municipal closures remains entirely uncertain.