Anger had been simmering for months among students, retirees, over inflation, gas prices and government inaction. But the spark came from Iranian women, revolted by the death of Mahsa Amini, 22, on September 16, three days after her arrest by the morality police. His wrong? Have worn “inappropriate clothing” while she was visiting Tehran.
Since then, demonstrations have swarmed in fifteen cities, from Qom to Isfahan, via Mashhad (North-East) or Kish (South), to denounce the brutality of the morality police and the daily yoke imposed on Iranian women. And beyond the traditional anti-government slogans and burnt-out police cars, the images of women dancing without veils or cutting their hair in public illustrate the crystallization around the headscarf.
A small minority supports the law
“This is the first time that Iranian women are at the forefront of the protest scene and that they dare to collectively attack a strong symbol of the regime – the compulsory Islamic veil – around specific demands such as freedom, the freedom to dress…” notes the Franco-Iranian sociologist Azadeh Kian, director of the Center for teaching, documentation and research for feminist studies at the University of Paris Cité (1).
Calling for the abolition of the veil therefore amounts to directly attacking the Islamic power, which had made it its ideological emblem from the start of the revolution in 1979. “Ultraconservatives say if we let go of this, we will go as far as gay marriage, summarizes Farid Vahid, Iran specialist at the Jean-Jaurès Foundation. This is the whole paradox of this regime: it is no longer an Islamic republic. Iranians are less observant and less religious than before the revolution. And only a small minority supports this law. »
No serious political alternative
Can Iranian women, therefore, hope to influence the ultra-conservative power? “Everything will depend on the extension of the movement. For things to change, there would have to be a fundamental regime change, which I do not see happening, because there is no serious political alternative.estimated Azadeh Kian. But women can work to change laws, such as abolishing the morality police. » A claim taken up by reformist figures, such as Ayatollah Zanjani in Qom, hostile to the idea of having the veil accepted through violence.
Unlike the 2009 “Green Movement” in Iran, which mobilized educated, middle-class, urban women for equality, this movement is reaching out to small towns and the lower middle class. “Even in the entourage of the ayatollahs, many women do not adhere to these repressive policies”, says the sociologist.
“The regime is afraid of women”
Beyond the case of Mahsa Amini, Iranian women share an immense frustration, linked to their deliberate exclusion, accentuated since the election of President Ebrahim Raïssi last year. “Women have access to education, are in the majority at university, even in disciplines such as engineering studies. They are present in civil society, in companies, but disappear at the top of the pyramid. Positions at the head of large companies are reserved for men,” explains Farid Vahid. “The regime is afraid of women, is afraid of their collective movementajute Azadeh Kian. But the fact that young men are taking part in these demonstrations is the sign of an important cultural change. »
The great unknown remains the regime’s reaction in the event of mobilization contagion. In six days, the repression has already left eight dead and dozens injured. In November 2019, several hundred people were killed in protests against rising gas prices.
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Recurring popular demonstrations for five years
During the winter of 2017-2018, Demonstrations take place throughout the country after the announcement of austerity measures (cutting social budgets and rising fuel and food prices).
In 2019, Iran is again shaken by demonstrations – violently repressed –, triggered by strong social discontent linked to the economic situation.
In January 2022, several hundred teachers are demonstrating in different localities in Iran, notably in Ispahan, to protest against the slow implementation of salary and pension reforms.