2023-05-18 01:47:41
Frederick. From Teruel. Character. 25 years as the most acidic voice on the airwaves, first at Cope and then at Esradio. Levantisco, indomitable and bad enemy. He publishes a new bestseller, ‘The Return of the Right’, where he shines again as an essayist.
-Do you consider that the historical problem of the right is that its political representatives despise their social base, which leads them to change parties; UCD, AP, PP, Citizens, Vox. I suppose you are aware that the readers and listeners of Jiménez Losantos see you as the watchman of orthodoxy, the conscience of that right wing that feels mistreated. Do you like playing that role?
-Well, you represent what you have to do, that is, in life you have to do according to what things. What I believe is that the social base of the right has never abandoned certain principles. Unlike the left, the right believes in a series of popular values, always; property, family, nation, religious tradition, history, education, effort, savings. But the political right has already felt uncomfortable with those values of its social base since the transition. The bad habit comes from the UCD and with Mariano Rajoy and Ciudadanos it is exacerbated because the political right has assumed the moral superiority of the left. And that is something unacceptable for the social right, which carries within it a dramatic experience. The two great democratic parties of the right won the elections in 1933 and would have won them in 1936 if they had not been stolen from them, and these two parties, the Radical and the Ceda, unconditionally support Franco, because they see themselves persecuted in the Republic, in the Civil War and with the red terror.
-You mention Franco, your theory is that he first saved the right and then kidnapped it or more exactly “cast”. Franco is an uncomfortable matter to evaluate from the political ideas of the right, he is always treated with passions or complexes.
-I am lucky that I was anti-Franco, today I would be too. It is not understood that Francoism worked during the sixties because it brought about the period of greatest growth in the history of Spain, because with Franco something essential was respected, small property, with a society of extraordinary vitality, some luminous years, the poor of the towns for the first time we could study with a scholarship and go to the university. Now an absurd caricature of the Franco era is being made, which is not the same as the Franco regime. There were values that came out of the Civil War and that persist in the postwar period. Historical values of the old deeply rooted Spanish Catholicism, such as respect for the national idea, morally Catholic values, outside of dogma, that of the honest farmer, with an enormous force that the right has preserved, a bloc of ten or eleven million votes that has never moved from there.
Does this break at some point?
-With the first stage of Aznar the momentum is maintained and also the prosperity of Spain is extraordinary, then in the second stage Aznar is carried away by his ego. The big change is when Zapatero arrives, a nuclear bomb for the right. Later Rajoy, the great traitor, abandons his base and the social right feels forgotten and humiliated.
-The reader can take a little optimistic conclusion. You partly save UCD and Aznar, but you are very critical of Rajoy, of Rivera, of Casado. It seems as if we sometimes had a positive leader, with integrity, providential, circumstantial, but what is important for historical continuity are the institutions.
-The problem of the right is that it has not understood that only the institutions save it. But the social base of the right was small property owners, people who went to mass, people who liked Spain, who understood our institutions.
-The right in the last decade has stopped keeping quiet, and that is a new phenomenon since the arrival of democracy. The annihilation of the constitutional coexistence pact, first with Zapatero and then with Podemos, has led the right to expose its own vision, after decades in which the left had a monopoly on historical truth.
-The right wing that suffers from nationalism is the one that first realizes that the left has no remedy or going back. But the political right continues to play the violin. That’s why Vox was born. Because ‘sorayismo’ continues to permeate all actions on the right.
-But before that the only thing that fits is to win the elections to the left, there is no room for anything else in a democracy, because it will continue to exist.
-No no no. The left has changed the idea of sex, the idea of gender, everything, your property, the idea of your house, of your home, it is the Bolivarian communism that Podemos has brought and applied by the socialist party. Sánchez has created with Pumpido in the Constitutional Court a parallel regime that wants to impose itself and the social right is logically alarmed and the political right gives the impression that it is thinking that it is going to inherit power and that the government will fix it. And there arise two phenomena of reaction to that kind of abandonment to the war against the left, Vox and Ayuso.
Vox now believes that its enemy is the PP when its enemy is the left
-What differentiates them?
-Vox is like a patriotic movement, to rectify Rajoy’s Popular Party, especially after the coup d’état in Catalonia where it does nothing, and then the Ayuso phenomenon in Madrid, which is a new phenomenon that was born in very special circumstances. , those of the pandemic, for the first time in a democracy a rock star appears, which is a way out of this crisis on the right.
-You have been the journalist who has most unconditionally supported Vox, even criticizing other media for not expressing the same conviction. However, you explain that in the last year major frictions have arisen between you and you come to the idea that politicians, even the closest ones, always try to put you at their command, annul the autonomy of the media.
-That is inevitable because it is the nature of power, liberalism supposes distrust towards power; everyone who has power tends to abuse it, including journalists who have power, but we do not have the BOE or the strength of the parties, which reach everywhere, who even place people on television. Vox arrives at a time when it has a party vision, it begins to look inward instead of looking at its social base, and in the last Andalusian elections it only listens to itself, with the internal logic of sectarianism that leads it to think that their enemy is the PP when their enemy is the left.
-Perhaps it is no longer satisfied with being only the second party on the right.
-But if it is that Vox, being the second party, was the most important, because Vox’s function was that the PP did not move away as usual to the left, Vox is the one that should be the fiber of that government, the conscience right-wing morality, not political conscience, that is the PP. This is how Vox was until a year ago and suddenly they have suffered a series of dangerous phenomena, such as what I explain in the book about El Yunque, an evil sect condemned in court, linked to Hazte Oír, a toxic, totalitarian right, Rocío Monasterio It is Make Yourself Heard, and Vox has not wanted to fight it. They have created a terrible dynamic on the networks, worse than Podemos, with many people practically living in a parallel reality.
-On the cover of the book an important character appears who, however, does not have much reflection inside, he passes like a ghost. I mean Alberto Núñez Feijóo. It gives the impression that you have chosen to wait and not pronounce too much on him, give him the opportunity to see how he does it.
-It takes very little time. He does not weigh in the book because she has little weight, because Ayuso’s weight and Abascal’s weight are autonomous weights. Feijóo has come back because Casado wanted to kill Ayuso and he came out dead. He is a consensus leader who refused to come on his day except by acclamation. Feijóo I think he is worth much more than he seems, but he shows an inability to create a team; he has surrounded himself with his people, Galicians, instead of taking out the best and pulling Ayuso, Cayetana, Vidal Quadras; he needs quality. But he has not wanted to, he has kept exactly the same group that Casado had.
Jiménez Losantos, in his Esradio studio
-You leave the question of how long the pact between the consensus leader, Feijóo, and the natural leader, Ayuso, can last.
-I think that for the moment it will last, because for Ayuso it is clear that she wants to continue in Madrid. She knows that her time will come after a government or two of Feijóo.
-Have you advised him that he should know how to wait?
-No, no, I know that she thinks that, it is not necessary to tell her.
-What have you seen in Ayuso? In the book there are very different evaluations depending on which politician, but she is the one that comes out with the best rating.
-It is objectively so. Although she had been around for a short time, she had her political project well thought out, she is a very cerebral, very calculating, very lonely woman. She makes the decree of dissolution of the Government with Ciudadanos the same day that she takes possession of it and she keeps it for two years because she knew that Ciudadanos was going to betray her. She does not look anything like the caricatures of her, neither one nor the other. All that from Ayuso’s team, nothing, Miguel Ángel Rodríguez sometimes only gets in the way.
-There what you reflect is cunning, sagacity, reaños.
-Actually, courage. And a very clear idea. She sees herself with Casado when he, after accusing her of everything, offers her a pact if they call off the demonstration in front of Genoa and she refuses. She does have fidelity to her social base, she could break her party when she is vilely slandered, she could have created her own party and she did not. That’s why I think she’s going to be loyal to Feijóo, she wants to inherit the Popular Party, when it’s her turn.
-Many people encouraged him to break with the party.
– True, but she endured. Because she knew what she wanted and she knows that now is not her time.
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