In Basse-Côte, one shares the successor of the late El Hadj Sèkhuuna Soumah; in Fouta-Djalon, the uprising has become the perennial problem of Manding-Djallon which has been fueled as the election deadlines approach. In both regions, political differences, money interests and ego wars seem to take precedence over the duty to serve communities.
Here, one Kountigui to much; then, one more coordination: duplication that is creating speech in both Lower Guinea and Middle Guinea. In the first region, the problem is later.It is linked to the battle of succession resulting from the death, less than a month ago (October 31), El Hadj Sèkhuuna soumah. two contenders are fighting for the chair of the regional coordinator, which does not respect an ancient, ancient legal function that is supposed to belong to the wise people of the region.
The imam of Kindia, El Hadj Mamoudou camara, was the late secretary general of the Kountigui. He immediately declared himself interim.On November 23, this regional inspector of religious affairs from kindia was officially presented to his people as the new patriarch of Lower Guinea. The newly elected official said he was committed to continuity and promised to ensure that the daughters and sons of the region speak with the same voice.
But ther is already dissension within the Basse-Côte Coordination.El Hadj Sunna Yansané also sees himself as a legitimate patriarch. Originally from Boulbinet (commune of Kaloum) for his part Kountigui was inducted on November 22 at the Coléah Youth Center (Matam). The first deputy coordinator of Lower Guinea, he claims that “the leader whom everyone respected” named him his natural successor five years earlier: El Hadj Sèkhuuna Soumah.
El hadj Sounna Yansané himself admits: “We want someone to replace him but with honor and dignity.But what we have just experienced is incomprehensible! It is a shame for Lower Guinea! A few hours after his death, instead of crying, to comfort the widows, the orphans, we try to replace him. This means that everyone was fully waiting for the death of El Hadj Sèkhuuna Soumah. »
The fight between Kania and Moriah
Outside the people of the pretenders, we are witnessing a leadership battle between the Kania (Kindia) and the Moriah (Forécariah). If Kindia is the regional capital, Forécariah tends to dominate, especially in terms of political privileges.Under Alpha Condé, the Office of the Prime Minister remained under the protection of the morians: the position went from Mohamed Saïd Fofana, Mamady Youla to Ibrahima Kassory Fofana one after the other.
El hadj Sunna Yansané, originally from Forécariah, claimed the position of Kountigui during the lifetime of El Hadj Sèkhuuna Soumah, from Tanènè (originally Dubréka). This was the case in 2019, when the battle against Alpha Condé’s 3rd term was already raging. Supported by some of the youth of the Basse-Côte, especially the movement called Labésanyi piloted by the bellicose Cheick Affan, it was considered close to the presidential movement of the time.
On the contrary, El Hadj Sèkhuuna Soumah rode for the opposition. His house was sprayed with tear gas and besieged for hours on September 1, 2020, by the police, where the patriarchs of the four regions of Guinea gathered to reaffirm their opposition to Alpha Condé, after its two constitutional mandates. .
Should we fear divisions in Central Guinea?
Says El Hadj Ousmane Baldé Lawlessnessjust like his predecessor at the head of the Coordination of Foulbhès and haali pular (Central Guinea), El Hadj saïkou Yaya Barry, who is seen as close to the Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea (UFDG), under the leadership of Clou Dalein Diallo.A political position that was not without consequences for the former. Lawlessness the State seized his assets, especially his warehouses, under Alpha Condé. Before he died on March 26, 2023, this economic operator who started from nothing to become one of the most prosperous people in the contry was able to recover them, thanks to the assassins of his enemy. The CNRD junta even made one of its women (Safiatou Diallo) a minister.
Under Alpha Condé, the social phenomenon Manding-Djalon (by which the non-Fulani inhabitants of Central Guinea are named) grew. The former president had sponsored the National Coordination of Central Guinea, which brings together those who do not have a place or do not feel in step with the Foulbhès Coordination and haali pular of Guinea. There is generally more opposition to the two structures competing for the same geographical area than from a sociological point of view. and this is especially true since ethnic differences come to the fore in Guinea during election periods. As if by chance.
On the 4th of November, on the occasion of the symposium in memory of El Hadj Sèkhuuna Soumah at the People’s Palace, Fouta’s coordination division reappeared in the light of day. The so-called spokesman for Central Guinea testified on behalf of the region, which left El Hadj Alsény Barry of the Haali Pular Coordination speechless. It won’t take long to issue a press release to remind you that there can never be two captains in the same ship.
At a time when the candidacy of Mamadi doumbouya is being discussed, it remains to be seen whether the CNRD will use the strategy of division and rules of its predecessor, as some forked languages in the region are already starting to fear.
diawo Labboyah Barry
What are the main leadership challenges currently facing Basse-Côte and Fouta-Djalon?
Interview: Unpacking Leadership Challenges in Basse-Côte and Fouta-Djalon
Time.news Editor: Welcome to Time.news. Today, we have the privilege of speaking with Dr. Mariama Diallo, an expert in political sociology with a focus on governance in West Africa. Dr. Diallo, thank you for joining us.
Dr. Mariama Diallo: Thank you for having me. It’s a pleasure to be here.
Editor: the recent political turmoil in Basse-Côte following the death of El Hadj Sèkhuuna soumah has drawn meaningful attention.Can you explain the dynamics at play in this succession struggle?
Dr. diallo: Certainly. The situation is emblematic of larger governance issues in the region. Following SoumahS death, two major contenders emerged for the position of regional coordinator—El Hadj Mamoudou Camara and El Hadj sunna Yansané. This power struggle illustrates not just a desire for leadership, but also highlights the underlying political differences and personal ambitions that often overshadow communal needs.
Editor: It seems this kind of infighting is fueled by more than just ambition. You mentioned larger governance issues. Could you elaborate?
Dr.Diallo: Absolutely. The political landscape in both Basse-Côte and Fouta-Djalon is fraught with tensions exacerbated by upcoming elections. Political differences and financial interests are often prioritized over genuine community service. It raises questions about the motives of these leaders—are they genuinely committed to the betterment of their communities,or are they merely seeking power for its own sake?
Editor: in the case of El Hadj Mamoudou Camara,he declared himself interim immediately after Soumah’s death,while Yansané claims he was the chosen successor. How does this effect the local community?
dr. Diallo: this creates significant divisions within the community. When leaders act swiftly to assert their authority, it can undermine trust and unity. Yansané’s remarks about the immediate attempts to replace Soumah instead of mourning reflect a deep-rooted dissatisfaction among the populace. It’s a betrayal of the community’s expectations for humility and respect, especially during a time of loss.
Editor: You mentioned the idea of a shared voice among the community’s members. Is this concept of unity feasible given the current circumstances?
Dr.Diallo: It is challenging, particularly when egos and personal ambitions take center stage. Camara’s promise of continuity and unity sounds appealing,yet such ideals can mean little without sincere commitment and action. The lack of respect for the traditional succession processes also complicates the path toward healing and reuniting the community.
Editor: Furthermore, what’s happening in Fouta-Djalon? You referred to it as a “perennial problem.”
Dr. Diallo: Fouta-Djalon has faced similar issues. The so-called ‘uprising’ there often arises in reaction to government neglect, particularly as elections approach. Discontent is stoked by political manipulation, making it a continual cycle of instability. The challenge is breaking this cycle, wherein political players prioritize their ambitions over addressing the actual grievances of their communities.
Editor: So, what would you recommend as a way forward for these communities?
Dr. Diallo: A genuine commitment to dialog and reconciliation is crucial. This means involving community members, respecting traditional leadership structures, and ensuring transparency in the political process. Leaders should prioritize the needs and voices of the community over their self-interest. Only then can stability and genuine progress be achieved.
Editor: Dr. Diallo, thank you for your insights today. it’s clear that navigating these leadership challenges will require a greater focus on community engagement and responsible governance.
Dr. Diallo: Thank you for having me. I hope for a brighter future for both Basse-Côte and Fouta-Djalon, one grounded in unity and respect for all community members.
Editor: Indeed. we appreciate your time and expertise.