BUDAPEST — The air outside Hungary’s neo-Gothic parliament building on Saturday was thick with a tension that had been building for nearly two decades, finally breaking into a roar of jubilation as Péter Magyar was sworn in as prime minister. The ceremony marked more than a simple change in leadership; it signaled the definitive collapse of Viktor Orbán’s 16-year grip on power, an era defined by the systematic dismantling of democratic checks and the rise of a nationalist, “illiberal” state.
Standing before the assembly, Magyar invited the nation to “write Hungarian history” together and “step through the gate of regime change.” The moment was the culmination of a political earthquake that saw his newly formed Tisza party secure a landslide victory in the parliamentary elections a month ago, capturing 141 of the 199 seats. For many in the crowd, the sight of Magyar taking the oath was a visceral release—a feeling that the country had finally reclaimed its trajectory.
The transition is perhaps the most stunning political reversal in Central Europe since the fall of the Iron Curtain. Magyar, 45, was once a quiet fixture of the Fidesz elite, an insider who understood the machinery of Orbán’s power because he had been part of it. His ascent began in early 2024 when he broke ranks with the party, launching a scorched-earth campaign that exposed the inner workings of a system he described as “rotten,” alleging that a small circle of officials had enriched themselves at the expense of the Hungarian people.
A Symbolic Return to Europe
The atmosphere in Budapest on Saturday was one of symbolic restoration. As the inaugural session was broadcast on giant screens in the square, the crowd erupted when the newly elected speaker of the house, Ágnes Forsthoffer, announced that the European Union flag would be returned to the parliament building. The flag had been removed by the Fidesz government in 2014 as a gesture of defiance against Brussels.
For the citizens gathered, the return of the flag was not merely a diplomatic gesture, but a promise of stability and reintegration. Erzsébet Medve, a 68-year-old retired schoolteacher who traveled hours from Miskolc in the northeast, spoke of a long-standing frustration with a government that she said deprived the education system of essential funds while hoarding wealth. “This represents the first time I feel like it’s good to be Hungarian,” Medve said. “I feel like I could cry.”
Beside her, Marianna Szűcs, 70, shared a more personal stake in the regime change. Two of her children had moved abroad after losing their jobs—a consequence, she believes, of her vocal opposition to the Fidesz government. “Now we feel like our children and grandchildren have a future here,” Szűcs said, expressing hope that her family might finally reunite on home soil.
Dismantling the ‘Petri Dish of Illiberalism’
Magyar inherits a state that Viktor Orbán spent years tailoring into what critics called a “petri dish for illiberalism.” The former prime minister had stacked the judiciary, captured the majority of the national media, and filled state institutions with loyalists to ensure that any opposition would be marginalized. Orbán, 62, who shifted from a pro-democracy campaigner in his youth to a Russia-friendly figure lauded by the global far right, will not sit in parliament for the first time since the country’s democratization in 1990.
Magyar has vowed to use his overwhelming majority to undo this systemic capture. His immediate agenda includes suspending broadcasts from state media outlets that functioned as mouthpieces for Fidesz and calling for the resignation of Orbán-era appointees. To signal a departure from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, Magyar’s swearing-in included anthems paying tribute to Hungary’s EU membership, its Roma minority, and ethnic Hungarians living in neighboring countries.
The composition of the new government also reflects a drive toward inclusivity. More than a quarter of the new lawmakers are women—a record high in Hungary’s post-communist history. The appointment of lawyer Vilmos Kátai-Németh as the minister for social and family affairs marks the first time a visually impaired individual has held a ministerial portfolio in the country.
| Feature | Orbán Era (2010–2026) | Magyar Administration (Proposed) |
|---|---|---|
| EU Relationship | Confrontational; frozen funds | Collaborative; unlocking EU funds |
| State Media | Centralized government mouthpieces | Restored independence/suspended bias |
| Parliamentary Base | Fidesz-led nationalist coalition | Tisza Party landslide (141 seats) |
| Judiciary/State | Loyalist appointments | Systemic “de-stacking” and reform |
The Steep Climb Ahead
Despite the euphoria in the streets, the structural challenges facing the new prime minister are daunting. Hungary’s economy has stagnated, and the government is grappling with a stubbornly high budget deficit. Magyar’s promises to revitalize crumbling public services—from healthcare to education—will require significant capital, much of which is currently tied up in frozen EU funds that Orbán’s tenure had jeopardized.
the “deep state” of Orbán loyalists remains a potent threat. While the head of the government has changed, thousands of mid-level bureaucrats, judges, and academics who rose to power under Fidesz still occupy their posts. How Magyar navigates the removal or retraining of these loyalists without triggering a systemic collapse or a backlash from the far right remains to be seen.
Even political allies are urging a measured approach. Gergely Karácsony, the liberal mayor of Budapest who had long clashed with Orbán, called for national unity while remembering the “everyday heroes” who suffered under the previous system. “Teachers fired, civilians and journalists humiliated, small churches torn apart,” Karácsony wrote. “We can finally leave this era behind us.”
The immediate focus for the Magyar administration now shifts to the technical process of unlocking billions in EU funds and the first formal session of the new parliament, where the government is expected to introduce a series of legislative packages aimed at judicial reform and media liberalization. The first official update on the status of the frozen EU funds is expected following Magyar’s scheduled diplomatic meetings in Brussels next month.
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