Sports grounds in officers’ colonies decorated with players’ money, big revelation on rigging in sports funds

by Liam O'Connor Sports Editor

Behind the high, manicured walls of New Moti Bagh in Lutyens’ Delhi, the atmosphere is one of quiet, temperature-controlled luxury. Here, a sparkling swimming pool sits under a transparent canopy, and teenagers practice tennis forehands on pristine courts. To a passerby, it looks like a world-class sports academy. However, the guards at the gate ensure that this sanctuary remains exclusive to a select circle of government officers.

A similar scene unfolds three kilometers away at the Civil Services Officers Institute (CSOI). While the squash courts may sit empty in the heat of the afternoon, the scuff marks on the walls tell a story of an influential crowd that gathers every evening. The signage is unambiguous: no entry without a valid ID. But a deeper look into the ledger reveals a more troubling detail—the luxury of these facilities was funded by the misuse of sports funds in officers’ colonies, diverted from a pool of money intended for India’s most promising athletes.

The National Sports Development Fund (NSDF), established in 1998 under the Charitable Endowments Act 1890, was designed as a lifeline for sportspersons. Its mandate is clear: to mobilize resources from the government and private donors to provide international training, high-end coaching, and modern equipment for athletes preparing for the Olympics and Asian Games. Instead, data obtained through Right to Information (RTI) requests suggests the fund has been treated as a renovation budget for the bureaucracy.

Between 2021 and 2025, more than Rs 6.2 crore was diverted from the NSDF to the CSOI, the Central Civil Services Cultural and Sports Board (CCSCSB), and the New Moti Bagh Residential Complex. These funds, meant to build the future of Indian sports, were instead used to polish the “club life” of the officials who manage the system.

The Architecture of Exclusivity

The sports complex in the New Moti Bagh Colony is a testament to this diversion. Featuring wooden-floored badminton courts, squash courts, a gym, and a billiards room, the facility rivals professional academies. Records indicate that Rs 2.8 crore was allocated here in 2019 under the Khelo India Scheme. By June 2024, another Rs 2.2 crore was approved from the NSDF, including a final installment of Rs 88 lakh released even as broader funding shortages were reported.

From Instagram — related to New Moti Bagh Colony, Khelo India Scheme

Sudhanshu Pandey, President of the New Moti Bagh RWA and Election Commissioner of Union Territories, defended the spending by arguing that government colonies are part of broader welfare activities. He suggested that sports facilities contribute to the emotional and physical health of officers, which in turn reduces overall health expenditures. However, he declined to address the specific objections raised by a parliamentary committee regarding the use of athlete-specific funds for private residential colonies.

The ethical gap is stark. While athletes in rural districts often struggle for basic gear or travel grants, the NSDF—a fund governed by the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports—has been used to subsidize the leisure of those who hold the purse strings.

Diplomatic Gifts and Political Preferences

The diversion of funds extends beyond the gated communities of Delhi. The Sports Authority of India (SAI) reportedly spent approximately Rs 1.08 crore to gift cricket kits to the cricket boards of the Maldives, Jamaica, and St Vincent. While the government categorized this as “international cooperation,” the move has sparked resentment within the domestic sporting community.

Critics point out a fundamental contradiction: the Indian government does not provide direct financial funding for cricket within its own borders, as the sport is managed by the BCCI. The decision to use taxpayer money to fund foreign cricket boards is viewed by former officials as an inexplicable misuse of resources.

Further scrutiny reveals a pattern of regional and ideological favoritism. In 2017, roughly Rs 2.66 crore was allocated to two RSS-backed organizations for infrastructure and tournament organization. This included Rs 2.41 crore for construction works by the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad in Udaipur and Rs 25 lakh for the Vanvasi Kalyan Samiti in Jashpur, Chhattisgarh.

Political preferences also appeared in the allocation of funds to Arunachal Pradesh. During the 2021-22 tenure of then-Sports Minister Kiren Rijiju, Rs 5.93 crore was sanctioned for open-air gyms and badminton halls across 26 district headquarters in his home state. While the NSDF rules mandate that money be spent on “deserving players,” these grants focused on general infrastructure in specific political strongholds.

Recipient/Project Approximate Amount Purpose/Context
Officers’ Colonies (Delhi) Rs 6.2 Crore Luxury gyms, pools, and courts
Foreign Cricket Boards Rs 1.08 Crore Cricket kit gifts (International Cooperation)
Arunachal Pradesh Rs 5.93 Crore District gyms and badminton halls
RSS-backed Orgs Rs 2.66 Crore Infrastructure in Rajasthan & Chhattisgarh

A System of Self-Approval

The most concerning aspect of this rigging is the governance structure of the NSDF. While the fund is managed by a 12-member council under the Union Sports Minister, the actual approval of grant proposals rests with a six-member committee of officials from the Sports Ministry. This creates a circular system where the same officials who benefit from the grants are the ones approving the expenditures.

This internal loop has led to a sharp decline in the fund’s health. Contributions to the NSDF have plummeted, falling from Rs 85.26 crore in 2023-24 to just Rs 37.02 crore by 2025-26. The decline suggests that private companies and donors are becoming wary of contributing to a fund that does not appear to reach the intended athletes.

A report presented in the Lok Sabha expressed strong displeasure over these practices. The parliamentary committee explicitly stated that sports money should not be diverted to residential colonies and advised the government to cease such payments immediately, noting that there is no budgetary provision for the “club life” of government officers.

For the athletes who represent India on the global stage, the NSDF is supposed to be a bridge to excellence—providing access to international coaches and scientific support. When that bridge is used to pave a tennis court for a bureaucrat, the cost is measured not just in rupees, but in lost medals and stunted careers.

The government is now under pressure to restructure the NSDF approval process to include independent athletes and sports experts, removing the conflict of interest that allowed these diversions to occur. The next phase of oversight will likely involve a detailed audit of all NSDF disbursements over the last five years to determine if any further recoveries are necessary.

Do you believe sports funds should be strictly ring-fenced for athletes, or is “welfare” for officials a justifiable expense? Share your thoughts in the comments below.

You may also like

Leave a Comment