The arrival of Trump’s envoys in Kyiv marked the first time they had visited the Ukrainian capital, where they met Zelenskyy at St. Sophia’s Cathedral. The Ukrainian leader emphasized the importance of the discussions, stating, There will be an opportunity for extensive discussion,
while thanking Trump for enabling the visit.
Zelenskyy’s comments underscored his cautious optimism about the negotiations, though he later told reporters that the war will continue into the winter. The envoys’ visit followed a September 5 meeting in Moscow, where Kushner claimed Putin outlined territorial demands, including the cession of Donbas. If Ukraine wanted to withdraw to that line, then obviously, you know, we have the rest of the deal set up and put together,
Kushner said, adding that Kyiv’s refusal to concede territory was stalling progress.
Trump envoys arrive in Kyiv in new push to
The U.S. has sought a creative solution to balance Ukraine’s sovereignty with Russia’s demands, but no breakthroughs emerged. A key sticking point remains Ukraine’s refusal to abandon claims over Donbas, a region Russia has failed to fully capture militarily. The Kremlin has repeatedly rejected ceasefire proposals, insisting on territorial concessions, while Kyiv insists on maintaining its territorial integrity and securing Western security guarantees.
Former U.S. Special Envoy for Ukraine Keith Kellogg, now with the America First Policy Institute, warned that Putin’s goals extend beyond Donbas. During an interview in Kyiv, Kellogg compared Moscow’s demands to Nazi Germany’s pre-World War II territorial expansion, stating, He’s sort of like Adolf Hitler.
He referenced British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s 1938 appeasement of Hitler over the Sudetenland, arguing that repeated concessions could lead to “World War III.”
Kellogg, a highly decorated retired three-star U.S. Army general, stepped down from his post on Dec. 31, 2025. He has since joined the America First Policy Institute, a Washington think tank. His return to Kyiv comes at a time when questions about the direction of U.S. policy toward Russia remain central to Ukraine’s war effort. A career military officer whose views on Russia were shaped during the Cold War, Kellogg has long advocated a peace through strength
approach. That position made him a trusted figure in Kyiv during his time in the Trump administration. His departure was met with concern in Ukraine over what it could mean for Washington’s policy toward Russia and Ukraine.
He's sort of like Hitler
During his tenure, Kellogg played a central role in several sensitive diplomatic efforts. He led negotiations over the U.S.-Ukraine minerals deal and repeatedly condemned Russian attacks on Ukrainian cities in unusually blunt terms for a Trump envoy. Now outside the administration, Kellogg remains convinced that Putin could end the war almost immediately if he wanted to. Putin could stop the war in five minutes if he wanted,
Kellogg said while arguing that the Russian leader’s ambitions extend well beyond the territory Russia currently seeks in eastern Ukraine.
That, in Kellogg’s view, is why any peace agreement needs to be judged not only by what happens on the battlefield today, but by what Moscow might try to do next.
Ukraine should think about victory as a long-term process rather than simply measuring it by the territory Kyiv controls when the fighting stops. He pointed to the Soviet occupation of the Baltic states after World War II as an example of how territorial control does not necessarily determine international recognition. The West never legally recognized the Soviet occupation, he noted, suggesting that Crimea could similarly remain internationally recognized as Ukrainian territory even if Russia continues to control it.
Is Crimea still Ukraine? It is part of Ukraine,
Kellogg said. So you have to start thinking five to 10 years down the line. If you look at it tomorrow, is it going to happen tomorrow? No. But is it going to happen, potentially, long-term?
His argument also reflects his assessment of the Alaska summit between U.S. President Donald Trump and Putin. Kellogg said Putin expected Washington to accept Ukrainian territorial concessions in Donetsk Oblast. Instead, he said, the U.S. position remained that Ukraine is Ukrainian.
Ukraine's refusal to give up territory to Russia stalls
I really believe this, Putin thought he was coming to that summit with the U.S. guaranteeing that Ukraine would give up (Donbas). That didn’t happen,
he said. In fact, what happened was that there was a lunch left on the table. They got on the airplanes and went home. I think what happened is Putin came in with one set of expectations, and the United States said, clearly, Ukraine is Ukrainian.
One person familiar with the Alaska discussions previously told the Kyiv Independent that Moscow asked Washington to pressure Ukraine to withdraw from Donbas, which includes both Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts.
Later in November, Washington and Russia came up with a 28-point peace plan, which envisioned Ukraine would surrender the entire eastern Donbas region — both Russian-occupied areas and the parts still controlled by Ukrainian troops. Under the plan, Ukrainian forces would withdraw from these remaining areas, which would then be designated a demilitarized zone. The Alaska meeting, however, in Kellogg’s telling, failed to deliver what Putin had expected from Washington. And that, he argues, is important because Moscow’s territorial demands have to be tested against what Russia can actually capture on the battlefield.
Zelenskyy’s government has instead called for a ceasefire along the current front line, backed by Western security assurances.
As winter approaches, the stalled talks leave Ukraine’s future—and the region’s stability—hanging in the balance.
