The initial honeymoon period of political alignment between President Claudia Sheinbaum and the legacy of her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, is facing a visible strain. While Sheinbaum previously viewed criticisms regarding her adherence to the previous administration’s policies as a badge of loyalty, internal friction is now mounting over the actual execution of administrative power.
Reports indicate that the President is increasingly frustrated by what are described as the “tentacles of Palenque”—the lingering influence of the former president’s inner circle and family members within key government apparatuses. This tension centers on a struggle for autonomy, as Sheinbaum finds that several critical administrative levers remain under the control of figures loyal to the López Beltrán family rather than her own office.
The friction is not merely ideological but operational. From the management of Mexico City’s finances to the leadership of the federal tax authority, the President is reportedly dealing with a shadow hierarchy where officials report to the “juniors” of the previous administration before reporting to the current executive leadership.
Administrative Friction in Mexico City and Edomex
The struggle for control is most evident in the regional power hubs of Mexico City and the State of Mexico. In the capital, Sheinbaum has reportedly been unable to remove Juan Pablo de Bottom from his role as Secretary of Finance. Sources suggest that De Bottom maintains a primary reporting line to Andy López Beltrán, effectively bypassing the authority of Mexico City Mayor Clara Brugada.
A similar dynamic is unfolding in the State of Mexico. The health decline of Governor Delfina Gómez has created a power vacuum, which has reportedly been filled by Horacio Duarte and other associates of the former president. This group is said to be managing budgets and appointments, and even conducting negotiations to maintain stability in the more volatile mountainous regions of the state.
This dual-power structure has created a precarious environment for the current administration, where the official chain of command is frequently undermined by personal loyalties to the previous regime’s family members.
The Battle for the SAT and Healthcare Procurement
The frustration extends to the Servicio de Administración Tributaria (SAT). It is reported that President Sheinbaum has had a replacement ready for Antonio Martínez Dagnino—another ally of the López Beltrán circle—for several months. However, a chaotic environment of internal political infighting (grillas) has prevented her from finalizing the change.
Beyond personnel, the President is reportedly agitated by the “voracity” of this influential group, particularly regarding the financial scandals that frequently surface. Sheinbaum has emphasized that it is unjust for her administration to absorb the fallout of these scandals, noting that neither she, her husband, nor her children are involved in government business dealings.
A critical point of contention has emerged regarding the pharmaceutical industry. The President has reportedly demanded an end to the “handling” of medicine procurement by these circles. To secure this area, she has deployed Eduardo Clark, the Undersecretary of Health Care, as her trusted representative to clean up the procurement process.
Internal Power Struggles: A Summary of Conflict Zones
| Entity/Office | Point of Conflict | Key Figures Involved |
|---|---|---|
| CDMX Finance | Reporting lines bypass the Mayor | Juan Pablo de Bottom / Andy López Beltrán |
| SAT | Delayed leadership transition | Antonio Martínez Dagnino |
| Pemex | Inter-departmental rivalry | Víctor Rodríguez / Luz Elena González |
| Health Sector | Medicine procurement control | Eduardo Clark |
Institutional Instability in Pemex and Communication
The instability is not limited to financial and tax offices; it has permeated the state oil company, Pemex. A “death struggle” for influence is reportedly occurring between the remnants of the administration left by former director Octavio Romero Oropeza, the current director Víctor Rodríguez, and the influence of Energy Secretary Luz Elena González.
This fragmentation is mirrored in the government’s communication strategy. The duo of Jenaro Villamil and Jesús Ramírez Cuevas has been cited as a source of significant friction, contributing to a disjointed social communication effort that the President finds problematic.
These “uncomfortable inheritances” have shifted from being political assets to administrative burdens. While the President currently operates within this web of influence, the ultimate resolution depends on her willingness to decisively sever these ties and assert full executive control.
The Political Future of Andy López Beltrán
Parallel to these administrative battles is the question of Andy López Beltrán’s political trajectory. Reports suggest that attempts to position him for a federal deputy seat or a role in Mexico City have failed to gain traction. A recent strategy is being discussed: positioning him as a candidate for the government of Tabasco.
While winning in Tabasco is generally seen as a safe bet for the Morena party, the move is viewed by some as a strategic exile. The party’s dominance in the region is so absolute that some suggest they could field almost any candidate—even those with significant legal baggage—and still maintain victory.
The next critical checkpoint for the administration will be the upcoming quarterly budget reviews and the potential announcement of new appointments within the SAT and Pemex, which will signal whether President Sheinbaum intends to maintain the current status quo or initiate a broader administrative purge.
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