The Betrayal of Human Rights: How Global Institutions Turned Against Israel

For thousands of years, the narrative of Passover has served as a cornerstone of Jewish identity, recounting a journey from slavery to freedom. This proves a story that emphasizes universal liberty, teaching that no one is truly free until everyone is free. This ethos did not remain confined to religious observance; in the aftermath of the Holocaust, it propelled Jewish leaders to the forefront of the modern human rights movement.

However, a significant debate has emerged regarding the trajectory of the institutions these leaders built. Critics argue that organizations originally founded on universal moral principles have increasingly shifted focus, transforming into platforms for political campaigns specifically targeting the State of Israel. This perspective suggests a departure from the original mandates of groups like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Doctors Without Borders.

An Israeli family enjoys a ”Seder” Pesach on the first night of the Jewish holiday of Pesach. April 22, 2024. (credit: CHEN LEOPOLD/FLASH90)

The argument posits that the legacy of Jewish founders—who sought to prevent future atrocities through international law and advocacy—is being undermined by current leadership. Instead of focusing on closed societies and totalitarian regimes, these organizations are accused of disproportionately singling out the Jewish state, a shift that some describe as a betrayal of their founding charters.

Architects of Universal Rights

The foundations of the post-World War II human rights framework were laid by individuals deeply scarred by the genocide of European Jewry. René Cassin, a French Jewish jurist, was a principal drafter of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Working in parallel was Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term “genocide” and authored the Genocide Convention. For both men, these frameworks were essential safeguards to ensure that the horrors of the Holocaust would never be repeated.

As the Cold War intensified, the focus shifted to protecting individuals behind the Iron Curtain. Peter Benenson, a British lawyer born into a prominent Jewish family, founded Amnesty International in 1961. His catalyst was the imprisonment of two Portuguese students who had toasted to freedom. Benenson’s vision was to campaign for “prisoners of conscience” regardless of their geography or ideology, turning Amnesty into a global superpower for human rights.

Similarly, in the United States, Robert L. Bernstein, the longtime chairman of Random House, established Helsinki Watch in 1978 after witnessing the suppression of dissidents in the Soviet Union. This organization later evolved into Human Rights Watch (HRW). Bernstein’s mandate was clear: to use rigorous, fact-based reporting to pressure closed governments that denied their citizens basic freedoms.

Divergence from Original Mandates

According to analysts monitoring the non-governmental organization (NGO) sector, a distinct ideological shift occurred as the original founders retired or passed away. The argument suggests that new leadership cohorts, often described as holding anti-Western or anti-Israel views, repurposed the rhetoric of human rights as a political weapon.

This tension came to a head regarding the focus on Israel. Robert L. Bernstein publicly broke with Human Rights Watch in 2009. In an op-ed, he criticized the organization for turning Israel into a “pariah state” and argued that HRW had lost sight of its original mission by focusing disproportionately on Israel while ignoring severe abuses in closed societies in the Middle East, and elsewhere.

Peter Benenson also expressed concerns during his lifetime regarding the politicization of Amnesty International. Reports indicate he opposed efforts to adopt an anti-Israel stance following the 1967 war, fearing it would compromise the organization’s neutrality and universal appeal. Despite his objections, subsequent leadership moved the organization toward positions that critics claim align more with political activism than impartial human rights monitoring.

The United Nations Context

The shift within NGOs mirrors broader trends within the United Nations system. The UN established bodies like the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) to implement the norms drafted by Cassin and Lemkin. However, these bodies have frequently been criticized for focusing on Israel. A notable historical precedent was the 1975 UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, which determined that “Zionism is a form of racism,” a resolution that was later revoked in 1991 but set a tone for decades of diplomatic friction.

The United Nations Context

More recently, the creation of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories has drawn sharp criticism. Francesca Albanese, who currently holds the position, has been accused by Israeli officials and Jewish advocacy groups of utilizing her platform to advance narratives that delegitimize the Jewish state, rather than adhering to the universal principles envisioned by the UN’s founders.

Medical Neutrality and Political Campaigns

The debate extends to humanitarian medical organizations as well. Doctors Without Borders (Médecins Sans Frontières, or MSF) was founded in the 1970s by Bernard Kouchner and others, driven by the concept of témoignage, or “bearing witness.” Kouchner, a French Jew and former government minister, has been a vocal supporter of Israel’s legitimacy and the two-state solution.

Despite the founder’s stance, MSF has faced accusations of participating in demonization campaigns against Israel. Critics point to the organization’s support for legal actions in international courts accusing Israel of genocide—a charge that proponents of the founding legacy argue inverts the very meaning of the term Lemkin created to protect people like themselves.

Restoring the Moral Compass

The core of the argument presented by monitors of the NGO sector is that the “hostile takeover” of these institutions damages not only the Jewish people but the integrity of human rights values themselves. By wrapping political accusations in the language of universal rights, these organizations risk forfeiting their legitimacy.

Proponents of the founding vision argue that the path forward requires a return to the principles of universality. So applying the same rigorous standards to all nations, particularly closed societies and dictatorships, rather than singling out the Jewish state. As the Passover story reminds generations of Jews, the commitment to freedom is a universal duty, one that requires defending the rights of all people without exception or political bias.

The conversation regarding the direction of these major institutions continues to evolve, with stakeholders calling for a recommitment to the factual, impartial reporting that defined their inception. For now, the legacy of Cassin, Lemkin, Benenson, Bernstein, and Kouchner remains a touchstone for those advocating a return to universal human rights principles.

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