Bashar al-Assad, the last leader to be swept away by the Arab Spring – rts.ch

by time news

The President⁢ of Syria, Bashar al-Assad, resisted more than any of his colleagues the⁢ breath ‍of the Arab Spring that swept⁤ away the leaders of Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen and Sudan before him.

After nearly twenty-five years in power, ​thirteen of which he ignored the⁤ Syrians’ demands for freedom, Bashar al-Assad was swept away​ in eleven days by dazzling insults by Islamist-led ‌rebels.

He left the Syrian capital for an ‍unknown ⁣destination, according to the Syrian ⁤Observatory for Human Rights⁤ (OSDH) when ​the rebels announced the end of their regime.

>> Read our live tracking: He calls for a peaceful transition ​in Syria after the rebels capture Damascus, and ⁢Bashar al-Assad leaves the country according to‌ Russia

Assad: from openness to repression

When he came to power in 2000​ at the age‍ of‍ 34, after thirty⁤ years ‍of dictatorship by his father, Hafez al-Assad, he raised hopes of openness. we then talk about the “Damascus Spring” but the interlude does not last ⁣long.

>> Read the portrait of Bashar ​al-Assad: Bashar al-Assad, the autocrat who led the oppression in Syria

when a popular uprising broke out in 2011 after the Arab Spring, it was brutally suppressed and quickly turned into a civil war. the regime only has the help of it’s Russian and Iranian allies ‌and Lebanon’s Hezbollah.

The 2020 ceasefire establishes relative calm and ⁣allows Syria to return to the Arab hole from which it has been ​barred for years.

however, the ​government ignores calls⁣ for a political solution with opponents and makes no concessions.

Tunisia: Ben Ali, the ‍first to leave

The ‍first ⁢leader swept away⁤ by ‌the Arab Spring, Tunisia’s Zine el-Abdine ben Ali also raised hopes by⁤ promising to democratize ​the country ​after‍ announcing the aging Habib Bourguiba on November 7‍ , 1987 was not fit to exercise⁤ power.

Over the years, the regime failed to give up anything and⁢ the President’s family‌ took control of ⁢entire parts of the economy, as American diplomacy was compared to a “mafia system”, according to a cable ‌revealed by Wikileaks.

At the end of ‍2010, the protest started in the interior of the country, a disadvantaged‌ area, before it spread to the big cities in the east.

At the end ‌of a massive demonstration in Tunisia on 14 ‌January 2011, Ben Ali left the country hoping to come back to take things in hand, which he will never be able to do. He died in exile in ​Saudi Arabia in September 2019.

Libya: Gaddafi, killed by rebels

“Guide to the Revolution” of September⁤ 1969, Muammar Gaddafi, would spend forty-two years in power promoting ‌the​ idea of ​​Arab unity, using Libya’s vast oil resources to support kind regimes‌ and political movements on around⁢ the world, especially Republican Ireland.Army (IRA).

Muammar Gaddafi will⁢ be the head of​ Libya ‍for⁢ forty-two years. [EPA – MIKE NELSON]

Inside, he‌ proposes‌ a specific political ⁣system of ‌this⁤ kind, the ⁤Jamahiriya, a type of ​direct democracy in which⁣ the people govern themselves but during his four decades in power, he committed abuses against ⁢opponents and the population.

This regime is accused of being involved ⁢in the attacks⁣ of Lockerbie (December 1988) and UTA ⁤​​DC 10 (September 1989)‍ which ⁢caused⁤ hundreds of victims that will be embargoed by Libya ‍and will‍ eventually compensate.

When the​ population ⁣rose⁢ against ⁣Gaddafi, NATO intervened, ⁣and the former leader, who fled, was killed on October 20, 2011 by rebels in unclear‍ circumstances.

Egypt: Hosni Mubarak, released ⁤by ‍the army

The Vice President,​ Hosni Mubarak came to power in 1981⁣ after the assassination of his predecessor, Anwar al-Sadat, and he​ remained at the head ‍of ‍Egypt for thirty years.

He addresses the ⁢Arab boycott due to the peace signed with Israel in 1979, economic difficulties and the ⁤violence of‌ Islamic​ radicals.

Bashar al-Assad, the last leader to be swept away by the Arab Spring – rts.ch ⁤ Hosni Mubarak will ⁣remain at the head of Egypt ​for thirty years. [keystone – Khaled Elfiqi]

Often described as a survivor, the raïs has faced popular‍ protest since January ⁤2011 against ​a background​ of suspicion about his intention to cede power to his son‌ Alaa and thus establish a hereditary republic similar to the syrian republic.

The army he came from finished, and he⁣ left power in February⁢ 2011.

he was then put on trial for duty for the deaths of demonstrators and corruption. In prison, ​he was acquitted ​in 2017 before he died in february 2020.

Yemen: Saleh, clinging to​ power until the end

He liked to say⁢ that ​governing yemen was‌ like a “dance on the heads of vipers”, as the poor ‌country⁣ was a complex and violent tribal mosaic.

President Ali⁤ Abdallah Saleh in Sanaa on ⁢25 may 2011.‍ [Khaled Abdullah - Keystone] ⁢ ​ President Ali ‌Abdallah Saleh in Sanaa on 25 May 2011. [Khaled Abdullah – Keystone]

Abdallah Saleh ​ruled the country for 33 years, endowed with a sharp political‌ skill, and‌ survived ⁢several Shiite⁣ rebels ‍who⁣ took ⁢the name

confronted by public demonstrations in 2011, he reluctantly ⁣handed power to his deputy, abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.⁤ But he ‍did everything‍ to cling to power,even‌ if it meant an alliance with⁤ the Houthis,his former enemies,which ⁢ended in⁤ his assassination in December 2017.

Sudan: Omar ⁣al-Bashir,suspected ‍of war crimes

A military man,Omar al-Bashir ‍seized power in⁣ 1989 in Sudan before the‌ army​ overthrew him in 2019 after demonstrations⁢ by the population.

He will ⁢be ‍in power for thirty⁤ years,⁣ joining or breaking with Hassan Turabi’s Islamists. He is the subject of an international arrest warrant,​ issued by ‍the international Criminal Court in ⁣2010, accused of genocide, crimes against⁤ humanity‍ and‌ war crimes in the conflict in Darfur, in western Sudan.

Followed by the⁣ Sudanese justice system for ⁣corruption, Omar al-Bashir is in prison, and Sudan sank in 2023 into ⁤chaos with ‌two generals fighting for power.

How‌ can grassroots movements influence political change in authoritarian regimes⁢ like Assad’s Syria?

Interview between time.news Editor and Expert Dr. Amina Khoury⁤ on the⁢ Impact and Future of ‍Leadership in the Arab World

Time.news Editor: Welcome, ⁣Dr.⁤ Khoury.Today, we’re discussing a significant turning point in ⁤the Arab world—how Bashar al-assad, ‌despite initial hopes for reform, ended up leading Syria into ⁤a ⁢devastating⁣ civil‍ war and a ⁢prolonged struggle for power. Can you share your thoughts on ‌how Assad’s initial rise to power gave way to such drastic‌ repression?

Dr.Amina Khoury: Thank you for having me. Bashar⁤ al-Assad took the reins of power in 2000 under the banner of ‍reform, which led many to believe in a new‍ chapter for ‌Syria—frequently⁣ enough ⁢referred to as the “Damascus Spring.” Though, the window for genuine openness was⁢ fleeting. His regime’s swift pivot to⁢ repression when ​faced ⁤with popular discontent⁢ in 2011 illuminated a critical flaw: rather​ than engaging with the‍ people’s demands, he relied⁣ on force, which ultimately spiraled into a ‍devastating⁤ civil war.

Editor: ‌Assuredly, he escaped ​the fate of many of his ⁤peers during the Arab spring⁢ for ⁣a time.But what factors do ⁣you think contributed to his ‍ability ‍to resist the wave that swept‌ away leaders like Ben Ali and Gaddafi?

Dr. Khoury: Assad’s regime was fortified by the backing of powerful allies like‌ Russia and Iran,‌ as⁣ well as Hezbollah. This international support allowed⁤ him to ⁢crush uprisings ⁢more effectively‍ than others. Moreover, his regime‌ capitalized on⁣ sectarian divides within Syria to rally his supporters. In contrast, leaders​ like ⁤Ben Ali and Gaddafi lacked​ similar support structures and ultimately⁢ faced isolated uprisings without ⁢the backing of foreign powers.

Editor: ⁢Indeed,Assad’s government has been criticized for rejecting any political solutions or‍ concessions,even after a semblance of calm was established through the 2020 ceasefire.Why do you think‍ there⁢ has been such resistance to political dialogue?

Dr. ‌Khoury: The‍ Assad regime ​perceives any form of negotiation as a threat to its power. Accepting any political dialogue could lead to a⁤ loss of control and perhaps ⁢empower ⁣opposition factions. Their preference for ⁣military solutions over diplomacy speaks to ​a deeply ingrained fear⁤ of‍ losing authoritarian reign, stifling the opportunities for a peaceful transition ⁤that many Syrians yearn for.

Editor: It’s fascinating to​ position his rule alongside leaders like Ben Ali and Gaddafi. What parallels do⁤ you see between Assad’s tactics and those of othre fallen leaders during the Arab Spring?

Dr.⁢ Khoury: All three leaders initially held onto a vision⁣ of stability that ‌was⁤ fundamentally ‌in ⁢conflict with increasing public dissatisfaction. They promised reform but ​ultimately relied on heavy-handed tactics to​ suppress dissent. As a notable example, while Ben ‌Ali fled⁢ Tunisia and Gaddafi was ‍brutally killed ⁤by rebels, Assad has clung to power⁤ through an amalgamation of ‌military force​ and international support. This common thread of resisting change reflects a broader reluctance⁢ among ‌autocrats in‌ the⁤ region to evolve in response to ⁢the populace’s demands.

Editor: With the region continuing to⁢ evolve, what ⁢do you believe is the⁣ future for Syria, particularly regarding calls for reform and political transition?

Dr. Khoury: The road ahead remains ‌daunting.⁤ The regime’s refusal‌ to engage‍ means that true reform appears distant. ⁤However, grassroots ​movements persist, keeping the spirit of change alive. Any​ potential shift will likely depend on‌ sustained internal pressure⁤ and⁢ the international ‌community playing a pivotal role in facilitating⁣ dialogue, ensuring​ that the voices ⁢of the⁤ Syrian people are not ⁣extinguished altogether.

Editor: Thank you, Dr. Khoury, ‍for your insightful​ analysis on⁣ such a critical topic. It will be fascinating to see how these dynamics unfold in Syria and the broader Arab region ⁢in ‍the coming years.

Dr. Khoury: Thank you⁤ for having me. It’s imperative that⁤ we ‍continue to discuss these ​crucial‍ issues and seek pathways toward peace and democracy in Syria and beyond.

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