2024-11-24 18:30:00
The economist and former Togolese minister Kako Nubukpo, known for his criticism of the CFA franc, continues his reflection on the development of Africa through his works. In Africa and the rest of the world. From dependence to sovereignty (Odile Jacob, 208 pages, 21.90 euros), published in October, invites us to take stock of the rise of young people’s power. Not only for its repercussions on the governance of the continent, but also for the rest of the world.
It is no longer possible, you say, to understand what is happening in Africa without taking into account the weight of young people. For that?
This is the starting point of this book: the succession of non-democratic alternations in West Africa in recent years has led me to question the evolution of political governance in Africa. The desire to contain the jihadist threat – better than civilian presidents had done until then – motivated the seizure of power by the military, more aware - because they were on the front line – of the gravity of the situation on the ground.
But there is also a generational issue, as demonstrated by the support of young people. These young soldiers, with the power of weapons, offer these young people a form of vicarious revenge on regimes that have not cared about their future. Sixty years after independence, these events establish the failure of urban elites, of which I am part, to create prosperity.
What do you mean when you talk about an imminent explosion?
At the Faculty of Economics and Management in Lomé, where I teach, there are 20 professors for 20,000 students. We know we can’t train them well. But these students will still leave the university with a diploma and will swell with great resentment the flow of urban unemployed, because studying has raised other expectations among them. There are examples like this all over Africa.
Africa’s population will double by 2050. This is a major upheaval. This reality will bring down all the regimes that we say are strong and which in reality are extremely fragile due to the growing weight of young people. Because on the other hand
There is certainly critical analysis to be done on foreign aid to achieve more targeted goals, but reducing budgets by 35%, like the one adopted in the French budget for 2025, goes against history. Europe spends billions of euros to block immigration instead of investing them in development. We are walking with our heads down, we are not investing the money where it would have a long-term impact.
France also took refuge in a withdrawal speech. This is a mistake. The relationship between France and Africa remains, whether we like it or not, unique. It cannot become a Europe-Africa relationship with the wave of a magic wand. We have to deal with the past, but I have the feeling that French leaders have nothing planned for Africa. They have not defined the place the continent should occupy in a long-term vision.
She opposes general free trade and the need for Africa to implement “ecological protectionism”. What does this mean?
I am attached to multilateralism, but I defend fair trade for Africa, ecological protectionism, because I believe that neoliberals are not intellectually honest.
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The neoliberal system imposed on Africa is based on two fundamental principles. The first is price flexibility thanks to competition, but African economies are dominated by monopolies that maintain prices higher than those expected from pure and perfect competition. The second principle is that of the mobility of production factors: capital and labor. The capital tours the planet several times a day, but work is blocked by visas.
Consequently, markets must be protected so that young Africans can stay and live in Africa and process raw materials locally. We know this is the only way to create wealth and jobs.
Isn’t this what is at stake in the exploitation of the minerals necessary for the energy transition?
Unfortunately I don’t see anything positive. We are once again plundering Africa, with forms of extractivism justified by the needs of the energy and digital transition. The issues of access to these resources are so crucial globally that I do not believe Africa will be given time to transform its raw materials. Consider, for example, the fierce competition between Americans and Chinese in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
So is history destined to repeat itself?
Africa must chart its own course. I don’t think it lies in an end of neoliberalism proposed by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, or in a pan-Africanism of retreat that consists of taking France as the enemy.
I ask for a third way, which is the one supported by « theory of common goods” and which is placed in the context of the double failure of the continent: that of the States and that of the market. This idea put forward by the American economist Elinor Ostrom highlights the principle of self-organization based on territories and communities. Many of the solutions to Africa’s problems lie in local responses.
States are no longer present in large portions of their territories, as in Burkina Faso, where more than half of the country escapes the state. Structural adjustment plans destroyed the embryonic welfare states that countries were trying to build based on agriculture, health and education. All the experiences of the first twenty years of independence were set aside to focus on macroeconomic balances. The capacity of states and administrations to design and implement public policies has become very weak.
The theory of the commons proposes at the microeconomic level an alternative mode of production in which private property is not the only way to manage goods.
This proposal seems to be barely heard in current debates…
I am aware that I am in the minority. However, there are very concrete issues for which it is possible to demonstrate the interest of an approach based on common goods. The management of transhumance is one of these. Over the past 40 years, global warming has caused agricultural productivity to decline by 20% in West Africa. To compensate for this loss, farmers increase cultivable areas and reduce transhumance corridors. For their part, nomadic populations migrate south. Conflicts over access to natural resources are increasing. Commons offer a way to renegotiate the contract between different groups.
This may seem utopian, but at least we can recognize that what has been tried so far hasn’t worked. So it’s time to try something else).
What are the main challenges facing Africa in terms of education and employment for young people?
This article discusses critical issues facing Africa, particularly in the context of education, demographic challenges, foreign aid, trade policies, and resource exploitation. The author emphasizes the growing frustration among educated youth due to inadequate training facilities, which leads to high unemployment rates. With Africa’s population expected to double by 2050, the article warns of potential instability as young, educated, yet unsatisfied populations could challenge fragile governmental regimes.
The piece critiques the current state of foreign aid, suggesting that significant budget cuts undermine progress and that European efforts mainly focus on preventing immigration instead of investing in Africa’s development. This reflects a larger concern about the lack of coherent long-term strategies from French leaders regarding Africa, suggesting an urgent need for a revised, more thoughtful approach to international relations.
Furthermore, the author advocates for “ecological protectionism,” arguing that the current neoliberal framework disproportionately favors multinationals and overlooks the need for local economic development, especially in protecting young Africans’ opportunities within their own countries.
The article also mourns the exploitation of Africa’s natural resources amid global competition, particularly in light of the energy transition. It suggests that without adequate time for domestic transformation and reduction of raw material exports, Africa remains at risk of further plundering.
the author calls for a “third way” that rejects both neoliberalism and a retreat into pan-Africanism. Drawing on Elinor Ostrom’s theory of common goods, the piece posits that many solutions to Africa’s challenges could arise from local level initiatives and community-driven developments, filling gaps left by both states and markets.