NGOs inhibited social change: Ricardo Monreal

by times news cr

A⁢ day after⁤ the Morena benches and⁣ their​ allies from the PVEM and PT voted in favor of the disappearance of seven autonomous organizationsthe coordinator of Morena in the Chamber of Deputies, Ricardo Monrealassured that this⁢ figure did not respond to any demand from ⁣society and were a brake on⁤ social change.

In a video⁤ that he uploaded to ⁢his “X” account,⁣ the legislator⁣ maintained ⁢that none of the basic documents of the parties ​represented in the ⁢current legislature, or in previous ones, even greet them as irreducible or essential institutions of the‌ democratic struggles in the⁢ country.

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“We are ⁤reaching the end of an ⁣inglorious ⁢stage, we are‌ closing ⁤the​ stage of neoliberal economic institutionalism called neoinstitutionalism (sic) and rescuing the stage of Mexican social democratic constitutionalism.

“The⁣ so-called autonomous constitutional bodies, the OCAs, ⁢which were an implant, an imitation of extra logic that promoted the financial political technology that poorly governed Mexico for three decades, do not respond to any popular ⁢demand nor are they ⁤the product or⁤ impulse of large social movements or of popular movements,” said the Morenista.

These organizations, ​he continued, were “a constitutional glob” promoted by ‌the international financial technocracy and its‌ allies to put a stop ⁢to the movements of⁢ social and economic change that globalization generated in various‍ places.

“Now we have put‌ an end to them because they were ⁤designed in‌ a stage in which ⁤we do ‌not share, the ‍neoliberal one,” he expressed.

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How is Ricardo Monreal’s​ approach to governance influencing the current political climate ⁣in Mexico?

Interview Between Time.news Editor and Political ⁣Expert

Editor: Good morning, and welcome to‌ Time.news. ⁤Today we have ‍the ‍privilege of sitting down with Dr. Elena⁤ Ramirez, a ​political analyst ‌and expert ‍on Mexican governance. Dr. Ramirez, thank you for joining us.

Dr. Ramirez: Good morning! It’s a pleasure ⁤to be‍ here.

Editor: Let’s dive right in. Recently, the ⁣Morena benches, along with their allies from PVEM ⁢and⁢ PT, voted in favor of dissolving ⁤seven ⁤autonomous organizations. What motivated this significant change​ in policy, ‍particularly from the perspective of Ricardo ⁣Monreal?

Dr. ‌Ramirez: Yes, this is indeed a pivotal moment in Mexican politics. ⁤Ricardo Monreal, the coordinator of Morena in the Chamber ​of ⁣Deputies, expressed ‌that these ‍autonomous organizations were not meeting societal demands and were viewed‍ as obstacles to social ⁢change. This‍ reflects a broader ‍ideological shift away from what he describes as neoliberal institutionalism toward⁤ a more social democratic approach.

Editor: Monreal⁣ mentioned that these bodies were not even acknowledged in the​ foundational documents of the parties in power.⁢ How does this‌ shape our understanding of‍ their role in Mexican democracy?

Dr. Ramirez: It underscores a significant disconnect⁣ between these autonomous bodies‍ and the political landscape. By Monreal stating ⁣that they ‍were “an ​imposture”⁢ or an ⁤”imitation” of extra governmental⁤ entities, it reveals a belief that these organizations did not resonate with the democratic struggles and aspirations of Mexican society. In essence, he’s signaling that these institutions, rather than being indispensable, were perceived as outdated.

Editor: That’s a‌ critical perspective. You ⁤also mentioned that Monreal stated, “We ‍are ⁤closing the stage of neoliberal economic institutionalism.” Can you⁤ elaborate on what ⁣he means by that, and why this is relevant now?

Dr. Ramirez: ​ Absolutely. Monreal’s statement suggests ​that the current administration aims to dismantle ‌the frameworks‌ established by previous neoliberal policies that prioritize market solutions over social⁣ equity. The push toward social democratic constitutionalism is an attempt to realign governance with more equity-driven policies that favor broader societal welfare, which many believe has been neglected in recent decades.

Editor: ‌Interesting. Given this context, what can we expect in terms⁢ of implications for governance ‌and civil society in ⁢Mexico?

Dr. Ramirez: This shift could have sweeping effects on governance. ⁢If the ⁤Morena-led government continues on this trajectory, we may see a restructuring of ​how institutions operate, potentially leading to more direct accountability to the public. However, ‌it could also result ‍in tension as critics may perceive this as an erosion of checks⁤ and ​balances, leading to a ⁤more centralized power structure.

Editor: And what about civil society’s response? With these autonomous organizations being dismantled, how might they react, and‌ what implications could this have for activism?

Dr. Ramirez: Civil society may react strongly to this ‌change, as many see these⁤ bodies as⁢ vital watchdogs in the democratic⁤ process. Activist groups could mobilize in ⁣opposition, leading to a critical dialog around ⁢the balance between state oversight and⁢ independence. ‍There’s a risk of civil pushback against possible government overreach, which could catalyze a‍ new wave of activism focused on preserving‍ democratic norms.

Editor: So, it seems we’re at a crossroads. In the context of democratic ‍governance, what would you ⁣advise​ stakeholders to consider as this unfolds?

Dr. Ramirez: Stakeholders⁣ must prioritize transparent dialog and⁤ ensure that reforms include diverse voices from various sectors of society. ‌The ​challenge is to foster ​a governance model that genuinely reflects the ⁣people’s needs without compromising ⁤the institutional safeguards that protect democracy. ⁢This careful navigation will​ be crucial as ⁢we move forward.

Editor: Thank you, Dr. Ramirez, for such insightful commentary. As the situation develops, we will certainly be ⁤watching closely ⁤and looking to you for ⁣further analysis.

Dr. Ramirez: Thank you for having ‌me! ‌It’s an important conversation, ⁣and I look forward to discussing it in the future.

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