Saudi-UAE Rift: Impact on Gaza, Syria & Middle East Stability

by Ahmed Ibrahim World Editor

Aden, Yemen – A burgeoning era of cooperation in the Middle East is facing a serious challenge as tensions escalate between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, threatening to unravel recent diplomatic gains.

A Diplomatic Rift Widens

A dispute over Yemen has spiraled into what some are calling a “divorce” between Saudi Arabia and the UAE, both vying for regional leadership and a new era of stability.

  • The conflict began with a disagreement over UAE-backed southern Yemeni separatists near the Saudi border.
  • Riyadh and Abu Dhabi hold contrasting visions for achieving stability, particularly regarding support for state versus non-state actors.
  • The rift raises concerns about cooperation on critical issues like stabilizing Syria and securing a path forward in Gaza.

The crisis began on Dec. 29, when UAE-backed Yemeni separatists made advances in Hadhramaut governorate, bordering Saudi Arabia. Riyadh swiftly criticized the UAE’s role in Yemen, a country where the two nations formed a military coalition over a decade ago to counter Iran-backed groups.

Police troopers patrol a street in Aden, Yemen, Jan. 7, 2026.

Under Saudi pressure, the separatists disbanded, and the UAE withdrew its forces from Yemen. By Saturday, Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces had regained control of lost territory.

Contrasting Visions for Regional Stability

Riyadh hasn’t eased its pressure on Abu Dhabi. Saudi Arabia is reportedly urging allies to limit Emirati influence, its state-run Al Arabiya news channel has offered indirect criticism of the UAE, and military officials have publicly accused Emirati aircraft of operating in Ethiopia, Libya, and Somalia.

“The UAE is choosing the path of deescalation, and it seems Saudi Arabia is in the mood for escalation,” said Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, an Emirati political analyst.

“The rift reflects a broader divergence in regional visions and strategic priorities between the two countries,” explained Hesham Alghannam, a Saudi political analyst and nonresident scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center, in an email.

“The Saudi approach rests on a clear premise: Regional stability is built through a capable national state, a dynamic economy, and a network of regional relations grounded in respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

He continued, “This vision collides with the Emirati approach based on backing militias and secessionist movements across multiple arenas, from Yemen to Libya and Sudan – an approach that undermines the nation-state and feeds chronic instability.”

Fighters allied with the U.N.-supported Libyan government aim at enemy positions in Tripoli, Libya, September 2019. The fighting erupted that year when the Libyan National Army – headed by Khalifa Haftar – launched an offensive to take the Libyan capital.

In eastern Libya, the UAE supports Khalifa Haftar and the self-described Libyan National Army, which opposes the U.N.-recognized government in Tripoli. In Sudan, the Emiratis are allegedly supporting the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), accused of war crimes.

Riyadh now views this strategy as a threat. Emirati officials have countered Saudi allegations, stating they prioritize regional stability over hasty action.

“The UAE’s decisions have consistently favored restraint over escalation, reinforcing a clear preference for regional stability and long-term security,” a UAE official stated on Tuesday. “The UAE remains committed to dialogue, de-escalation, and internationally supported processes as the only sustainable path to peace.”

The UAE government has repeatedly denied backing the RSF, insisting it aims to be a neutral mediator in the Sudanese conflict.

A Complicated Alliance with Israel?

Riyadh is also reportedly concerned by increased regional coordination between the UAE and Israel, which normalized relations in 2020. The Saudi government has expressed concern over the UAE’s undeclared support for the breakaway Somaliland region and Israel’s recent recognition of the enclave in late December. There are also worries that the UAE might support Syrian Druze separatists currently backed by Israel.

From left, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, U.S. President Donald Trump, Bahrain Foreign Minister Khalid bin Ahmed al-Khalifa, and United Arab Emirates Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan pose after signing the Abraham Accords at the White House, Sept. 15, 2020.

Diplomatic sources suggest Saudi officials believe the UAE and Israel are pursuing a joint strategy of “fragmenting” the Arab world to secure influence and resources.

According to a non-Gulf Arab diplomat, who requested anonymity, Saudi Arabia is promoting a narrative that coordinated Emirati and Israeli actions threaten to “undo progress made in regional stability” over the past five years.

The dispute threatens to fracture the heavyweight Gulf bloc of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE. This could undermine joint efforts to advance the Gaza ceasefire, prevent the collapse of the post-revolution government in Syria, and strengthen the Lebanese government to disarm Iran-backed Hezbollah.

Somali soldiers secure the scene of a car bombing near the parliament building in Mogadishu, Somalia, March 25, 2018.

Reports indicate the UAE has withdrawn from its military bases in Somalia as requested by Mogadishu. News reports and flight trackers suggest Egypt and Saudi Arabia have closed their airspace to Emirati military flights bound for Libya.

Observers say Saudi Arabia and the UAE can continue to cooperate diplomatically, but not with the same comprehensive partnership as before. Cooperation will likely focus on specific areas of shared interest, such as Red Sea maritime corridors, conflict resolution, and energy security.

The weakening of Iran may be the key factor preventing a wider rift. “There is a mutual understanding that if the two countries fall too far apart, the axis of cooperation will be no more and the current vacuum in the Middle East could be filled by Turkey, Israel, or chaos,” said the diplomat, “and the opportunity of the post-Iran Middle East will be lost.”

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