The Nicaraguan Congress approved on Friday a constitutional reform that guarantees President Daniel Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo, as “co-president”, absolute control of the state’s powers.
The National (Legislative) Assembly, controlled by the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN, left), “unanimously” approved the initiative presented by the president on Tuesday, parliamentary leader Gustavo Porras announced before the session plenary.
The controversial reform extends the presidential mandate from five to six years and confirms the power Murillo already has by equaling that of Ortega, as it raises his rank from vice president to co-president.
The text attributes total powers to the Executive, as it establishes that the co-presidents will coordinate “the legislative, judicial, electoral, control and supervisory, regional and municipal bodies”, which the Constitution already recognized as independent.
Ortega, a 79-year-old former guerrilla who ruled Nicaragua in the 1980s after the triumph of the Sandinista revolution, returned to power in 2007. Since then, his critics say, he has established a “dictatorship” and “nepotism” with his wife., six years younger.
Both have radicalized their positions and increased control over Nicaraguan society after the 2018 protests, whose repression caused 320 deaths according to the UN, considered by the government to be an attempted coup sponsored by Washington.
“Revolutionary” state.
The reform, which was approved in the first mandate and will be approved in the second mandate in January – Porras acknowledged – has unleashed a wave of rejection on the part of Nicaraguans in exile and international organizations, which the United States and the United States have joined. ’Organization of American States. (OAS).
In the reform, Nicaragua is defined as a “revolutionary” and socialist state, and includes among its national symbols the red and black flag of the FSLN, a former guerrilla under whose leadership a popular uprising overthrew the dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979.
For Azahálea Solís, an expert in constitutional law, this leaves out political projects of other ideologies, and Salvador Marenco, a human rights lawyer exiled in Costa Rica, assured that it is the end of the separation of powers and political pluralism in Nicaragua.
“All that is now in the reform is what, in fact, is happening in Nicaragua: a de facto dictatorship. The novelty is that it will now be in the Constitution,” said former guerrilla commander Dora María Téllez, who she was incarcerated. and lives in exile in the United States.
Social control
The reform establishes social control not only of the press, the Church and economic entities, but also formalizes the withdrawal of Nicaraguan nationality from those considered “traitors of the homeland”, as the government did with approximately 450 critics and opponents.
During the massive protests of 2018, hooded and heavily armed men intervened to set up trenches set up by university students and control the demonstrators. Thousands of people went into exile.
In the reform, the government proposes the creation of a “voluntary police”, made up of civilians, as an “auxiliary and support body” to the security forces.
What impact will the recent constitutional reform have on Nicaragua’s democratic institutions and civil liberties?
Interview Between Time.news Editor and Political Expert Dr. Elena Rivas
Time.news Editor: Welcome, Dr. Rivas. Thank you for joining us today to discuss the recent constitutional reform in Nicaragua. The Nicaraguan Congress has approved changes that grant President Daniel Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo, significant powers. How do you interpret this move within the context of Nicaraguan politics?
Dr. Elena Rivas: Thank you for having me. This constitutional reform is a significant escalation in Ortega’s consolidation of power. By elevating Murillo to the role of co-president and extending the presidential mandate from five to six years, it allows them to exert almost unchecked control over all branches of government. This move reflects a clear intent to cement a dynastic regime and effectively eliminate any checks on executive power.
Time.news Editor: It’s alarming, to say the least. The reform was approved unanimously in a legislature controlled by Ortega’s party, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). What does this tell us about the state of democracy in Nicaragua today?
Dr. Elena Rivas: The unanimous approval is quite telling and further exemplifies the erosion of democratic principles in Nicaragua. Essentially, the legislative assembly has transformed into a rubber stamp for Ortega’s agenda. There’s a troubling trend of centralizing power that not only undermines democratic institutions but also places Nicaragua firmly in the realm of authoritarian governance. The opposition has been systematically suppressed, leaving little room for dissent.
Time.news Editor: The reforms also redefine the state as “revolutionary” and socialist, reinforcing the legitimacy of Ortega’s government. How might this affect Nicaragua’s international standing?
Dr. Elena Rivas: By defining Nicaragua as a “revolutionary” and “socialist” state, Ortega is attempting to frame his rule in historical terms and rally domestic support. However, this stance is likely to strain relations with international organizations, including the U.S. and the OAS, particularly as they have condemned the reform. Nicaragua risks becoming increasingly isolated, facing potential sanctions or other diplomatic repercussions, which would further complicate its socio-economic situation.
Time.news Editor: Indeed, considering the backdrop of the 2018 protests and the government’s subsequent crackdown, where over 320 deaths were reported. How do you think this reform will impact civil society and dissenting voices?
Dr. Elena Rivas: The implications for civil society are dire. Given the context of the 2018 protests, where dissent was met with extreme repression, the constitutional changes will likely stifle any remnants of opposition. Activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens who challenge the government will face even greater risks, leading to a more oppressive environment. Those in exile are already voicing their rejection, and it’s crucial for the international community to support them while advocating for human rights in Nicaragua.
Time.news Editor: It sounds like a precarious situation for many Nicaraguans. As an expert, what measures would you recommend for the international community to take?
Dr. Elena Rivas: The international community must adopt a multi-faceted approach. First, continue to monitor human rights violations and hold the Ortega regime accountable through sanctions and diplomatic pressure. Second, support Nicaraguan civil society organizations dedicated to human rights and democratization. Lastly, engaging in dialog with regional partners to foster a collective response can amplify the call for restoring democracy and human rights in Nicaragua.
Time.news Editor: Thank you, Dr. Rivas, for your insights on this complicated and critical issue. Your analysis sheds light on the considerable challenges Nicaragua faces as it navigates this period of uncertainty.
Dr. Elena Rivas: Thank you for having me. It is important to keep the conversation going; the situation in Nicaragua deserves global attention.